The Project Gutenberg eBook of My empress; twenty-three years of intimate
life with the empress of all the Russias from her marriage to the day of
her exile, by Marfa Mouchanow

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
using this eBook.

Title: My empress; twenty-three years of intimate life with the empress
       of all the Russias from her marriage to the day of her exile

Author: Marfa Mouchanow

Release Date: February 02, 2021 [eBook #64444]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

Produced by: Fay Dunn, Fiona Holmes and the Online Distributed
             Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
             produced from images generously made available by The Internet
             Archive/American Libraries.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY EMPRESS; TWENTY-THREE YEARS OF
INTIMATE LIFE WITH THE EMPRESS OF ALL THE RUSSIAS FROM HER MARRIAGE TO THE
DAY OF HER EXILE ***


Transcriber’s Notes

Hyphenation has been standardised.

Other changes made are noted at the end of the book.




[Illustration:

_International Film Service_

THE EX-CZARINA ALEXANDRA OF RUSSIA]




MY EMPRESS

TWENTY-THREE YEARS OF INTIMATE LIFE WITH THE EMPRESS OF ALL THE RUSSIAS
FROM HER MARRIAGE TO THE DAY OF HER EXILE

BY

MADAME MARFA MOUCHANOW

FIRST MAID IN WAITING TO HER FORMER MAJESTY THE CZARINA ALEXANDRA OF
RUSSIA

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS

NEW YORK: JOHN LANE COMPANY LONDON: JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD MCMXVIII




COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY CURTIS PUBLISHING COMPANY

COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY JOHN LANE COMPANY


Press of J. J. Little & Ives Co. New York




CONTENTS


  CHAPTER                                                 PAGE

  I     MY APPOINTMENT                                      11

  II    THE FIRST MONTHS OF THE CZARINA’S MARRIED LIFE      20

  III   BIRTH OF GRAND DUCHESS OLGA                         33

  IV    THE CORONATION                                      46

  V     VISITS ABROAD                                       59

  VI    THE GRAND DUCHESS ELIZABETH                         72

  VII   THE CZARINA’S FAMILY RELATIONS                      82

  VIII  LIFE AT CZARSKOI SELO                               94

  IX    THE COURT AND ATTENDANTS OF THE CZARINA            105

  X     THE CZARINA AND ST. PETERSBURG SOCIETY             117

  XI    THE CZARINA AND HER MOTHER-IN-LAW                  129

  XII   THE CZARINA’S DAILY OCCUPATIONS                    141

  XIII  THE JAPANESE WAR AND THE BIRTH OF THE CZAREVITSCH  152

  XIV   THE CZARINA, HER CHILDREN AND HER CHARITIES        164

  XV    THE FIRST REVOLUTION                               176

  XVI   THE CZARINA’S FRIENDS                              188

  XVII  THE GREAT WAR                                      200

  XVIII DISASTERS AND THE SECOND REVOLUTION                211

  XIX   HOW THE CZARINA WAS ARRESTED                       222

  XX    LIFE IN PRISON                                     236

  XXI   EXILE—I AM DISMISSED                              249




ILLUSTRATIONS


The ex-Czarina Alexandra of Russia _Frontispiece_

  FACING                                           PAGE

  The ex-Czar Nicholas II of Russia                  20

  Winter Palace, Petrograd                           34

  Alexander Hall in the Kremlin at Moscow            44

  Throne Room in the Kremlin at Moscow               52

  Old Banquet Hall of the Czars                      70

  Rasputin                                           80

  The ex-Czarina of Russia and her Four Daughters   102

  Grounds of the Imperial Palace at Tzarskoié Sélo  122

  Grand Duke Michael                                132

  Grand Duchess Olga                                144

  The ex-Czarevitch                                 156

  The ex-Czarina and her Son                        168

  The Grand Staircase, Winter Palace, Petrograd     178

  Grand Duchess Elizabeth                           188

  Grand Duchess Anastasia                           220




MY EMPRESS




CHAPTER I

MY APPOINTMENT


It is the custom, or rather it was the custom, at the Russian Court,
not to allow any Princess marrying into the Imperial family to bring
with her maids from her own country. I believe that this custom was
also observed at Foreign Courts, at least in former times. Therefore,
when it became known that the heir to the Russian Throne, as Nicholas
II. still was when he became the affianced husband of the lovely
Princess Alix of Hesse, was about to bring a bride to his parents’
home, speculations became rife, and much heart burning resulted among
people who considered themselves entitled to the honour of becoming
attendants on the future Empress of All the Russias.

Of course the choice of the maids destined to wait upon her was to a
certain measure dependent on the will of the Reigning Empress, and
the latter felt that it would not do to surround her daughter-in-law
with women unable to talk any other language than Russian. A list was
submitted to her of ladies who were supposed to be eligible for the
position, and, unknown to myself, my name was placed upon it.

The functions of first maid to a Czarina were far from being purely
honorific. Of course she was not supposed to do any menial work,
but, on the other hand, she had to show herself most discreet, to
avoid gossip of any kind, to have no intimate friends or relatives in
whom she might feel tempted to confide, and, moreover, considerable
responsibility rested on her shoulders, as she had under her care not
only the personal jewels of her Imperial mistress, but also those
belonging to the Crown (when these happened to be used), the control of
everything that was connected with the toilet and personal adornment
of the Princess in whose service she stood, the paying of her private
bills, and so forth. She had under her eight other maids, whose duties
consisted in attending to the wants of the Princess, but these took
no initiative, and were entirely dependent upon her, having to obey
her and to listen to all her instructions. One had to have a certain
rank or Tschin, as it is called in Russian, to be able to obtain
such an appointment, and probably the fact that my husband, who had
died a short time before the marriage of Nicholas II. and Alexandra
Feodorovna, had been a Colonel, had something to do with the fact that
my name figured on the list of the women considered eligible for the
position which I was to obtain.

As is well known, the arrival of the Princess Alix in Russia was
hurried on account of the illness of the Czar Alexander III., who knew
himself to be dying, and who wished to see his future daughter-in-law
before he breathed his last. The Grand Duchess Elizabeth of Russia,
the wife of the Grand Duke Sergius, who was the eldest sister of the
Princess, went to meet her at Warsaw, and brought her to Livadia, in
the Crimea, which she reached about three days before the demise of the
Emperor. She was met on her arrival with all the honours pertaining to
the bride of the heir apparent, but the circumstances which accompanied
her journey were such sad ones, that they could not help painfully
impressing her and adding to the natural melancholy of her character,
which was already at that time sufficiently pronounced to cause
anxiety to the people who surrounded her.

The mortal remains of Alexander III. were brought back with much pomp
to St. Petersburg, where instead of making the solemn entry which
Russian Imperial brides generally do in the capital, in golden coaches
surrounded with elaborate ceremonies, the Princess Alix arrived in a
mourning carriage, smothered in the folds of her crêpe veil. No one
noticed her, and the general interest of the public was concentrated
on the Empress Dowager, whose grief was pitiable to witness. The young
girl about to take the latter’s place on the throne of Russia felt
quite lost and lonely amidst her new surroundings, and no one seemed
to care for her, or to trouble as to what was going to befall her. At
that time many people believed that her marriage would be postponed
until after the mourning for Alexander III. was over, and hoped that
something might yet occur to prevent its ever taking place. The
alliance was not popular, and neither Court society nor the nation felt
pleased at the idea of a German Princess coming to share the throne of
their new Sovereign. He was known already to be absolutely lacking in
character, and many persons feared that through the influence which
his wife might come to acquire over his mind, the Grand Duke Sergius,
who was married, as I have already related, to the sister of the
Princess Alix, would become paramount at the Russian Court. And the
Grand Duke was the most hated and the most unpopular personage in the
whole country.

Family intervention, however, decided otherwise, and, partly thanks to
the efforts of the Prince and Princess of Wales, who had arrived in
St. Petersburg to be with the Empress Marie in her hour of sorrow, it
was decided to solemnise the nuptials of the new Czar as quickly as
possible; therefore the twenty-sixth of November, 1894, the birthday
anniversary of the widow of Alexander III., was chosen for it.

All this time I had not seen my new mistress. She was supposed to
be too busy to have leisure to become acquainted with her future
household, and it was only some three days before the one selected for
the wedding that I was at last presented to her in the Palace of the
Grand Duke Sergius, where she had resided since her arrival in St.
Petersburg.

My first impression was that of a tall, slight girl, with straight
long features, a classical profile, and a lovely figure, which gave no
indications of the tendency to stoutness that was to spoil it later on.
She had fair hair that shone like gold in the sun, whilst at times it
appeared quite dark, according to the light which played upon it. The
mouth was the most defective feature in an otherwise almost perfectly
beautiful face. It had a determined expression, which even then could
be unpleasant, and the chin was decidedly heavy. But the general
impression she produced was that of a superb woman. The deep mourning
which she wore suited her, and heightened the natural whiteness of her
lovely complexion, and I remember thinking that I had never yet seen
any one more beautiful than this girl about to become my Empress.

She said very little to me, and what she did say was uttered in a low,
constrained voice. She seemed to have a nervous dread at the idea
of being compelled to have strangers about her, and she asked me to
ascertain from the maid from whom she was about to part her customs and
habits, so as to be able to direct the women who were to attend on her
in the future. But when I asked her to allow me to begin my duties at
once, she objected, saying that it would be time enough on her wedding
day.

This proved inconvenient in many respects, because it was most
difficult to attend to the many details connected with a complicated
toilet, such as a bridal one invariably is, let alone an Imperial one,
and to make decisions for an utter stranger. According to etiquette the
Grand Duchess (the Princess Alix had been given this title on the day
she had entered the Greek Church) had to dress in the Winter Palace,
where not only her eight maids, but all the ladies in waiting on the
Empress Dowager, those of her own future household, and the jewels she
was to wear, were awaiting her. To a room set aside for the purpose by
etiquette had been brought the gold toilet service of the Empress Anne,
which is always taken out for such occasions and for such only, and
it was spread on a table before which the Princess was asked to sit.
The diamond Crown used for Imperial weddings was then brought to the
Empress Dowager, who, according to the rules of the ceremony, had to
put it on the head of the bride. But an unforeseen incident occurred.
The hairdresser, who was to adjust the crown and the bridal veil, could
not be found; no one knew where he was, nor could any one take his
place. At last it was discovered that an over-zealous police official,
believing his ticket of admission invalid, had refused to let him enter
the Winter Palace. A whole hour went by before this was discovered, and
the marriage was delayed for that length of time, to the wonder of the
thousands of people assembled to witness it, in the various rooms and
halls of the Imperial residence.

During this weary hour the Princess sat motionless before her looking
glass, hardly saying a word, but with tears in her eyes which, however,
she bravely tried to conceal. People buzzed around her, trying to
attract her attention, but she did not seem to heed them, and merely
waited and waited, with that patience which, as I discovered later on,
was a distinctive feature in her character. At last the hairdresser was
brought in, hot and excited, and he quickly fastened the diamond diadem
on the head of the young bride, whom we proceeded to array in the long
mantle of cloth of gold, lined with ermine, which she was to wear
over her white gown. When she was ready and stood before us, previous
to the starting of the procession for the chapel, we all uttered an
exclamation. None among us had ever gazed at anything more lovely than
she appeared to our eyes, and indeed I have never, in the years that
followed, seen Alexandra Feodorovna look so splendid as on that grey
November morning which saw her married to the Czar of All the Russias.




CHAPTER II

THE FIRST MONTHS OF THE CZARINA’S MARRIED LIFE

[Illustration:_International Film Service_

THE EX-CZAR NICHOLAS II OF RUSSIA]

Owing to the haste with which the royal wedding was celebrated there
was no time to prepare in advance suitable apartments for the Czar and
his bride in any of the Imperial palaces either in St. Petersburg or
in Czarskoi Selo. The latter residence had from the very first been
spoken of as the future abode of the young couple, being a favourite
one with the new Sovereign. But the Alexander Palace, the only one
which was more or less adapted to the exigencies of modern life, had
not been inhabited since the death of the Empress Marie Alexandrovna,
the Consort of Alexander II., and required to be entirely overhauled.
The Winter Palace, too, was in want of renovation, and particularly
unsuitable, as the young Empress had expressed a wish to have the
apartments which she was to occupy newly furnished, according to her
own tastes and ideas. The result of this state of things was that
the newly married couple spent the first months of their wedded life
in the Anitschkoff Palace, the residence of the Dowager Empress, in
the small rooms which had been occupied by Nicholas II. as a bachelor,
rooms that were anything but comfortable, and where there was not even
sufficient place for the wardrobe of the bride, who, besides, found
herself without a sitting-room of her own, and had to borrow that of
her mother-in-law whenever she wished to receive any one.

Of course this was not pleasant for her, and I will add that it put
her from the very outset in a false position which she felt acutely.
She was being treated like a child, and she would not have been human
had she been pleased with the situation. During the first weeks of her
marriage, when the whole court was still in deep mourning for the late
Czar, it did not perhaps matter as much as it would have done later
on, or under different circumstances, but still it was disagreeable.
The Dowager Empress was, in her way, just such an authoritative
character as was her daughter-in-law, therefore the two ladies soon
found themselves in strong opposition, and, though they did not own to
it, became heartily tired of each other. Six weeks after the wedding
Alexandra Feodorovna persuaded her husband to go for one week to
Czarskoi Selo, and when she returned to St. Petersburg I found that a
considerable change had taken place in her manners and bearing, much
of her former diffidence and shyness having disappeared. She began to
decide for herself certain things she would not have dreamt of doing
before without having consulted her mother-in-law, and she organised
her personal existence after her own heart. The first changes which she
introduced concerned her maids’ attendance upon her, and she called me
into her presence one morning to discuss them at length, refusing to
listen to some observations which I thought it my duty to make to her.
In my opinion it would have been better to have waited until we had
moved out of the Anitschkoff Palace before altering the rules which
presided over the dressing-room and wardrobe paraphernalia of the
young Empress, but my observations were not kindly received, and I was
told most peremptorily to obey the instructions given to me, which of
course I did, but not without misgivings as to the opportuneness of the
changes introduced in the routine of my Imperial mistress’ existence.

Amongst others was the disposal of the cast-off dresses of the young
Empress. These were legion, as she had been presented with a trousseau
of unusual abundance. But they were all of them, or nearly all,
mourning or half-mourning gowns, and Alexandra seemed in haste to get
rid of them. She had her own ideas in the matter of her toilets, and
generally sketched, herself, the clothes which she ordered. She had
not good taste, this much must be admitted, but she cared for dresses,
and liked to see hers renewed as often as possible. Sometimes she had
three or four garments laid out and displayed before her eyes before
she finally made a choice. She had the idea that as a Sovereign she
ought to dress with great magnificence from the very first hours of
the morning, and she disdained the simple tailor costumes which, on
the contrary, were so much liked by her mother-in-law. The latter had
been the best dressed woman in her empire, but she had never fussed
about her clothes, and had affected a great simplicity in her every
day attire, reserving for state occasions the many Paris creations
that were being constantly sent over to her. In a small house like
the Anitschkoff Palace the servants knew, of course, everything that
was going on, and much gossip passed between the maids of the two
Empresses, those of the young one complaining to the attendants of the
Dowager of the fussiness of their mistress in regard to her toilet.
This gossip reached higher than the housekeeper’s room, and contributed
to the reputation for caprice that Alexandra Feodorovna acquired almost
immediately after her marriage, a reputation that was to cling to her
and to harm her so much in public opinion later on.

Now I feel persuaded that if the Emperor and Empress had had from the
very first days of their married life a home of their own, this would
have been avoided, because there would have been no opportunity for
gossip between servants. As it was, the Dowager once or twice made
remarks to her daughter-in-law concerning the manner in which she
worried her attendants by too much fuss about her clothes, and these
were, of course, very badly received. And Alexandra Feodorovna bitterly
resented an allusion that was made to the fact that when she was at
Darmstadt she would not have dared to display such a capricious temper.
All these things were but trifles, but nevertheless they were to
exercise considerable influence on the afterlife of my mistress.

The Empress was inordinately fond of beautiful furs and used to spend
considerable sums in acquiring continually new and most costly ones.
For this, too, she was reproached, and told that her trousseau had
contained sufficient fur garments, so that there was no necessity to be
always buying new ones. She was reported to be extravagant, with reason
perhaps, though there was nothing inordinate about her love for pretty
things; certainly the bills which she ran at Worth’s and Paquin’s, and
other dressmakers of repute, were not half so large as those which her
mother-in-law had incurred formerly. But then the latter had always
been a favourite, and St. Petersburg society had smiled on everything
she had ever done or said.

One of my duties was to take care of the Empress’s jewels. She had
received some splendid and costly wedding presents from her relatives
in England and Russia, and especially from the Emperor, who, among
other things, had presented her with an all round crown of pearls and
diamonds which, together with some wonderful sapphires, he had bought
in London when he had paid her a visit there during their betrothal.
She loved to wear them, and at first had not given a thought to the
possibility of having to lay them aside for far more splendid parures
and ornaments. But very soon after her marriage there arose a question
concerning the Crown jewels, which were supposed to be devoted to the
use of the reigning Empress. During the reign of Alexander III., the
Empress Marie had had them in her own keeping, and by his will the
Emperor had given her the use of them for her lifetime. Now it seems
that he had not the power to dispose of them, and very naturally the
treasury claimed them after the demise of the Czar. His widow, however,
stoutly refused to give them up, and painful scenes ensued, which
assumed such proportions that at last Alexandra Feodorovna declared
that, for her part, she would never consent to wear the ornaments in
dispute, that her mother-in-law was welcome to them, and could keep
them as long as she liked. This, however, could not be done, and
at last the jewels were returned to the treasury whence they were
sometimes taken and handed over to me, with great ceremony, for the
use of my mistress on state occasions. But the Empress never liked
them, and avoided putting them on, preferring her own jewels. She
declared that the big pearl and diamond tiara, which, since the days of
Catherine II., had graced the head of all the Russian Empresses, was
far too heavy. I do not think I have seen her wear more than four or
five times the famous necklace valued at twenty millions of roubles,
which, on the contrary, had been one of the favourite ornaments of the
Dowager Empress. The last time this historical jewel was seen in public
was at the ball given by the nobility of St. Petersburg on the occasion
of the three hundredth anniversary of the accession of the dynasty of
Romanoff to the throne of the Ruriks, in February, 1915, which was also
the last time that the Empress Alexandra ever appeared at any save a
religious festivity.

Whenever she decided to put on any of those Crown jewels I had to send
a note announcing her intention to the head treasurer in charge of the
strong room where the diamonds and precious stones of the Czar were
kept. He then summoned an escort of three soldiers out of the guard
on duty in the Winter Palace, and, surrounded by them, brought me the
articles I had requested him to deliver. I had to give a receipt for
them, and as soon as the Empress had taken them off I had to advise
that same treasurer of the fact, then he immediately came with another
escort to reclaim them, returning to me at the same time the receipt
I had signed a few hours previous. The complications associated with
this procedure were one of the reasons that made the Empress averse to
using those ornaments, about which she did not care. She much preferred
adding constantly to her private jewel boxes, and soon she became
possessed of one of the most remarkable collections of precious stones
in Europe. Pearls were her special favourites, and the Emperor, who
was aware of the fact, was constantly presenting her with additions to
her various necklaces, and other pearl ornaments, and the two Court
jewellers, Bolin and Faberge, had a standing order to bring to Czarskoi
Selo every fine specimen they could get hold of, before showing it to
any one else among their customers.

This passion of the Empress for constantly acquiring new ornaments
was also a cause of bitter reproach, and one of her aunts, the Grand
Duchess Marie Pavlovna, who was anything but kind and charitable, once
characterised it as “_un gout de parvenue_.”

In those early days of her married life there arose another cause of
friction between the Empress and her mother-in-law. It was connected
with the manner of praying in church for the two ladies. The Dowager
insisted that her name ought to come first, immediately after that of
her son, the Sovereign. But the ministers, and even the Holy Synod,
objected and declared that, according to custom, the mother ought to
rank after the wife. Finally it was the opinion of the Synod that
prevailed. But Alexandra Feodorovna, who had interested herself deeply
in the matter, was not wise enough to hide her joy at the turn things
had taken, and this of course contributed to the strained relations
that soon established themselves between her and the widow of Alexander
III.

No harmony reigned at the Anitschkoff Palace during those early days of
my mistress’ married life, and it is no wonder that the latter became
more and more embittered as time went on. She felt herself neglected,
and did nothing to please those whom she suspected of wilfully
slighting her. She had a morbid desire to please, combined with a
natural haughtiness, which made her not only sensible to a rebuff, but
also desirous of avenging it. She did not care to be brushed aside
by her relatives, and yet she was herself contributing to the cause
of their actions, by her aloofness from all those who might have been
of use to her. She did not understand St. Petersburg society; she
considered it immoral and fast, and she made no secret of the fact,
snubbing unnecessarily people strong enough to do her serious harm by
their judgments and appreciations of her conduct and personality. The
misunderstandings which caused her future unpopularity began from the
very first hours of her arrival in Russia.

With her attendants, however, she was always kind and gracious,
though distant in her manner. It was only after many years that she
grew to have confidence in me, but then it was a complete one, and
sometimes she would allow herself to give way in my presence to
fits of despondency such as over-took her from time to time, during
which I feel perfectly convinced she was not entirely responsible
for her actions. Her mind, always prone to melancholy, made her look
at things on their blackest side, and this partly accounts for the
tendency towards mysticism which she was to develop later on, and which
contributed, more than anything else, to the catastrophe that was
to send her an exile to the solitudes of Siberia. She was never well
balanced, and, when judging her, one must not forget that insanity was
hereditary in the House of Hesse, a fact of which many people in Russia
were aware, but of which it seems that the Imperial family were left in
ignorance. Sensitive to a degree, she could not get rid of prejudices
which she was inclined to adopt without any reason other than caprice,
and prejudices are among the things which sovereigns ought never to
entertain in regard to those whom they may happen to meet, or with
whom they are surrounded. But with it all she was sweet and gentle,
and good, and conscientious; a perfect mother, a most devoted wife, a
staunch friend, incapable of meanness or of treachery, but destined by
her very qualities to be always misunderstood, and never appreciated as
she ought to have been. Amidst the pomp and splendour that surrounded
her she was lonely; she felt isolated, and though she had found on
her arrival in her new country hosts of relatives and courtiers, she
had not met one single disinterested friend whom she could trust, or
towards whom she could turn for advice and protection. The grandeur
of her position put her, as it were, outside of the world, and,
unfortunately, she was so overpowered by this grandeur that she did not
even attempt to break through the barriers it had erected around her,
and which divided her from the rest of mankind.




CHAPTER III

BIRTH OF GRAND DUCHESS OLGA


The uncomfortable winter which followed upon the marriage of the
Czar came at last to an end without his young bride having been much
seen in public. The ladies prominent in St. Petersburg society were
presented to her during a great reception which she held in the Winter
Palace, but this presentation consisted simply in their passing before
her with a curtsey, whilst her Mistress of the Robes, the Princess
Galitzyne, whispered their names into her ear. She spoke to no one,
and of course no one spoke to her, and for the influence that this
reception had upon her relations with that society over which she had
to preside, it might just as well never have taken place. There were,
it is true, a few old ladies whose husbands either had been, or still
were, in high official positions, who were received by the Empress
in private audience, but these interviews were generally of short
duration, and consisted in the exchange of a few banalities in the way
of conversation. The Empress did not speak French well, and English at
that time was not the fashionable language of the upper class, as is
the case at present. Ill-natured people commented on the mistakes made
by the young Sovereign in her use of the French idiom, and ridiculed
them. She became aware of the fact, and it hurt her deeply, and added
to the natural diffidence of her character. In those early days of her
married life, Alexandra Feodorovna was striving still for popularity,
but doing it in a clumsy, mistaken manner. She felt afraid of being
called pro-German, and exaggerated in consequence her manifestations
of amiability in regard to everybody and everything that was connected
with France, to such an extent that she was accused of want of
frankness, not to use a more emphatic word. It was the same thing with
her sympathies for the autocratic régime. At the time of her marriage,
people hoped that her influence over her husband would result in his
granting to Russia that constitution which everybody had been sighing
for, for years. But the Imperial family, from the very first hour of
her arrival in the country, had repeated to her that it was her duty
to uphold the principles of that autocracy which Alexander III. had
so successfully maintained during the whole time of his reign. She
accepted this bad advice, and, in her dread of being thought adverse
to it, she applied herself to persuade the Czar that he ought to make
some public declaration of his intentions to govern according to the
principles that had inspired his deceased father. She partly succeeded,
but the attempt was not a happy one, because the famous speech of
Nicholas II. to the zemstvos, where he affirmed his resolve to govern
despotically, and characterised as senseless dreams the aspirations of
his people, contributed more than anything else to make him, together
with his consort, the most hated and unpopular Sovereign Russia had
ever known.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

WINTER PALACE, PETROGRAD]

The first winter which saw the Princess Alix transformed into the
Empress of All the Russias was, therefore, not precisely what can be
called a happy one. In summer the Court went as usual to Peterhof, and
the alterations which by this time had begun to be made in the Czarskoi
Selo Palace were hastened, because the first accouchement of the young
Empress was expected in November, and it had been decided that the
expected family event, so anxiously looked forward to, should take
place there.

Alexander Feodorovna herself superintended these alterations. Under
her care the old building which had been the favourite residence of
Alexander II. and of his consort, that other Hessian Princess who,
however, had been both liked and respected by her subjects, was
completely transformed. Splendour was banished from it, but the whole
place was furnished and arranged in the style of an English cottage,
with chintz hangings, plenty of flowers of which the Empress was
inordinately fond, and a lot of nick-nacks and photographs that gave
it quite a homelike look. Alexandra had admirable taste in all that
concerned the inner arrangements of her apartments, and she transformed
the old residence of the Russian Czars into a lovely country house,
such as one finds in old England or in France. But her ideas in regard
to furniture and curtains and general interior ornamentation of the
rooms destined for her private use differed so entirely from the
accepted Russian notions on the subject that they came to be discussed,
not only ill-naturedly, but also disagreeably. She had consulted no
one, and had made no secret of her disapproval of certain things that
had been done without her consent, speaking about them with an acrimony
she would have done better, for her future peace, to have avoided.

The Emperor, however, was charmed with all that she had done, and
delighted at the way in which she had arranged their new residence,
to which they moved early in the month of October, 1895. The Empress
at once organised her existence upon lines to which she remained more
or less faithful all through her reign. She used to rise early, and
never failed to breakfast with the Emperor and to accompany him in
the walk which he liked to take every morning before settling down to
the business of the day. They used to go, in all kinds of weather,
for long rambles in the park which surrounded the Palace of Czarskoi
Selo, Alexandra Feodorovna dressed in a short sable jacket and a
velvet skirt, which she changed for a more elaborate garment when she
returned home. She disliked dressing gowns, and the first one I ever
saw her wear was during an illness which attacked the Grand Duchess
Olga, in the latter’s early childhood, when her mother sat up with her
at night, and was persuaded to exchange her tight garments for more
comfortable ones.

At eleven o’clock, the Empress’ private secretary made his appearance,
and brought to her the numerous correspondence that had to be handled.
They worked together for an hour or so, and Alexandra more than once
tried to interest herself in public charities and to gather knowledge
in regard to the various educational establishments in the Empire.
These, however, were under the special patronage of the Empress
Dowager, who did not brook any interference in the matter, and who
applied herself to keep her daughter-in-law quite outside of it. This
was a great misfortune because it deprived the latter of considerable
interest in her existence, and almost compelled her to spend her time
in frivolous occupations for which she did not care. Lunch was served
at two o’clock, and was generally a simple meal, though an abundant
one, to which guests were seldom invited. After it was over the Emperor
remained for an hour with his wife, chatting about the various news of
the day, and then they both went out for another walk. Tea was brought
to the Empress at five o’clock on a tray in her own room, and she
generally swallowed it in a gulp, without even looking at the cup in
which it was contained. She was fond of needlework, and amused herself
by making lovely little lace garments for her expected baby. She did
not care for the society of her ladies in waiting, whom sometimes
she did not see for weeks at a time, during those early days of her
marriage. Later on, however, on account of the reproaches that were
showered upon her for this neglect of her personal attendants, she had
them dine with her and the Emperor on Sundays, and this custom lasted
until the Revolution, when it fell into disuse, together with so many
other things.

After dinner the Empress used to ensconce herself in a large armchair
by the open fire, and again take up her needlework, whilst the Emperor
read aloud to her. He was very fond of reading, and read extremely
well. He liked historical books better than any others, and followed
with considerable interest the different English and French reviews
which were regularly sent to him. This lasted until eleven o’clock
or thereabouts, when Nicholas II. repaired to his study for a couple
of hours’ work, whilst the Empress began to undress. I was generally
present at this operation, which was performed by the two maids
on duty, who were changed every day. Alexandra had a profusion of
beautiful, silky hair, and though she was not so capricious about its
treatment as the poor Empress Elizabeth of Austria, yet she liked to
have it brushed for half an hour or so, after which it was tightly
plaited, and bound with silk ribbon matching the one which trimmed
her nightgowns. These were of the finest linen or batiste, profusely
ornamented with Valenciennes or Mechlin lace. The dressing jackets
and peignoirs of the Empress were generally made out of muslin over
silk, with insertions of Brussels net. She was excessively fond of
beautiful lingerie, and owned to me one day that one of her greatest
pleasures after her marriage had been the possibility of being at last
able to indulge in her weakness for it. Her bed sheets were absolutely
magnificent, and changed every day, the lace which trimmed them being
carefully selected to match that on her night dresses. Madame Barrauld,
the great French lingère, who had made the trousseaux of all the smart
young girls of St. Petersburg society, was summoned about once a week
to Czarskoi Selo, to receive the orders of the Empress in regard to
her lingerie, and that of her daughters when these were born.

In regard to dresses, Alexandra Feodorovna had about fifty for each
season, without counting the extras. She was very fond of white gowns,
notwithstanding the fact that these did not suit her. But she had been
told that it was a Russian custom to wear white garments for every
great festival, and she had exaggerated it to such an extent that St.
Petersburg society, always on the alert to criticise its new Sovereign,
had made fun of it, and its smart leaders of fashion had affected to
put on coloured, and even dark dresses, on occasions when previously
they would never have thought of so doing. She was supposed to have
no taste in her manner of attiring herself, and consequently it was
considered the thing to do exactly the contrary of what she was doing,
in that matter at least.

The Imperial family did not often come to Czarskoi Selo. At first,
the Grand Duchesses, aunts of the Empress, had attempted to see her,
without being summoned to her presence; but they had soon found out
that between them and her there existed a barrier which it was out of
their power to remove. Alexandra Feodorovna was always civil to them,
always received them with a smile, but she nevertheless contrived to
make them feel that they bored her, and that she did not care for
their visits. The Empress Dowager also had tried to break through her
daughter-in-law’s reserve, but though the latter had avoided hurting
her by showing too openly her dislike to having her solitude intruded
upon, yet her stiffness had not encouraged Marie Feodorovna to repeat
the attempt of considering her son’s home as her own, and of coming and
going in and out of it at her will and pleasure.

All this caused the conduct of the young wife of Nicholas II. to be
severely criticised from almost the first days of her arrival in
Russia. Unfortunately for her the choice that had been made of the
members of her household had not been a happy one. Her Mistress of the
Robes, the Princess Galitzyne, was an intriguing woman, who thought
only of her own advantages and the possibility of turning to her use
and benefit the high position in which she found herself placed. Her
maids of honour were very nice girls, but mostly nonentities, and, if
the truth need be told, her husband was not the man capable of being
for her the guide she required during those first days of her married
life. The only person whom she saw intimately, and who came in time to
acquire a considerable influence over her, was her sister, the Grand
Duchess Elizabeth, of whom she had stood more or less in awe during
her girlish days, and who abused the privileges due to her as the
Empress’ senior. And the Grand Duchess was not a wise mentor for the
impressionable, impulsive woman who had been raised by destiny to the
throne of All the Russias.

With her servants Alexandra Feodorovna never spoke, except in reference
to questions concerning their duties. She used to have half an hour’s
conversation with me in the morning and evening, in regard to matters
concerning her dresses or jewels, and gave me her instructions as to
what she required to be done in regard to them. But it was only after a
number of years, and after I had helped her nurse the young Princesses
during an attack of scarlet fever, that the Empress began to talk with
me of domestic matters, and of different other things which worried
her. She hated familiarity, and firmly believed that it was part of her
duties to keep people at a distance. And yet what a kind heart she had!
It was sufficient for her to know that any misfortune had befallen one
of her attendants or servants, to show them all the sympathy with which
her soul was full. But in normal times she maintained an attitude of
reserve that was always misunderstood, and for which she was more than
once bitterly reproached.

[Illustration:

_Paul Thompson_

ALEXANDER HALL IN THE KREMLIN AT MOSCOW]

During that month of November which saw the first anniversary of the
Czar’s marriage the Court was expecting the birth of the first child
of the Imperial pair. All had made up their minds that it was going
to be a son, an heir to the vast estates and to the throne of the
Romanoffs. The thought that it might be a girl had never crossed the
mind either of the nation or of the sovereigns themselves. Preparations
without number had been made for the arrival into the world of that
much-longed-for boy, and for some days no one had slept in the Palace
of Czarskoi Selo. At last the doctors, who for weeks had not left
the Imperial residence, were summoned to the bedside of Alexandra
Feodorovna. The poor woman had a very hard time, and for long hours
her life trembled in the balance, whilst every hope of seeing the
child born alive had almost disappeared. Great was the joy, therefore,
when its cry was heard for the first time, a joy, however, that was
turned into an intense disappointment when it was announced that the
baby was nothing but a poor little girl, tiny and delicate; a little
girl whom no one wanted, and whom no one was prepared to like, except
the mother, who took it to her heart with all the tenderness which,
though restrained, formed one of the bases of her strange, perhaps not
lovable, but altogether admirable character.




CHAPTER IV

THE CORONATION


The christening of the Grand Duchess Olga Nicolaievna was solemnised
with great pomp at Czarskoi Selo, after which the Court moved to St.
Petersburg, and the young Empress took possession of her new apartments
in the Winter Palace. These had been gorgeously fitted up with
magnificent silk hangings manufactured in Lyons, and copied from those
which adorn the rooms occupied by Marie Antoinette in the Royal Palace
of Fontainebleau in France. This had been a surprise of the Czar to his
wife, but the latter, instead of being pleased, was superstitiously
affected by this remembrance of the unfortunate Queen of France. It has
never yet been told that when the Empress was quite a child in London
an old gipsy woman whom she had met when walking with her sisters in
Richmond Park, had prophesied misfortune to her and to her sister
Elizabeth, saying that they would both marry in a distant country,
where nothing but tears and sorrow awaited them. This fact, which she
had never forgotten, had more to do than one imagined with that weight
of sadness which seemed to be always pressing on Alexandra Feodorovna,
though of course she avoided mentioning it.

Nevertheless she tried to shake off the premonitions with which her
soul became filled, when she saw the rooms which had been prepared
for her, and she applied herself to give them that touch of intimacy
which she invariably communicated to all the places where she lived.
Big palms were brought in, and put in different corners, and a few
valuable pictures were hung on the walls. But the Empress did not care
for paintings, and when she was asked whether she would not have a few
of those in the Ermitage collection brought to her, as was done in the
case of her husband’s grandmother, the Empress Marie Alexandrovna,
she refused, saying that she did not care to deprive the public of
the sight of them. In general, art did not appeal to her, but she
read a good deal, and played on the piano with considerable pleasure,
without, however, having the talent for music which distinguished her
eldest daughter, the Grand Duchess Olga, who became quite an artist
later on. It was the Empress’ custom before she began to play to take
off her rings, of which she possessed some beautiful specimens, and
to throw them on the piece of furniture nearest at hand, forgetting
afterwards where she had put them. This sometimes caused considerable
annoyance, as they could not always be found immediately, and a frantic
search was made all over the Palace, until at last they turned up in
some impossible place or other. Among these rings was one containing
a beautiful pink diamond, the Empress’ engagement ring, which she
preferred to all others, and which she constantly wore. Nevertheless
she could not, even in the case of this favourite jewel, divest
herself of the curious habit of taking it off her finger now and then,
and playing with it, as a child might have done, sometimes quite
unconscious that she was so doing.

The Empress’ piano was a splendid instrument by Erard, and had been a
wedding present from her mother-in-law. She preferred it to all the
others that she possessed, and when the Court settled at Czarskoi Selo
definitely, not returning to the Winter Palace more than for a few
hours, she had it removed there, and played on it up to the time she
was sent into that Siberian exile whence perhaps she will never return.

The baptism of the Grand Duchess Olga was the signal for Court
festivities to be resumed after the period of mourning for Alexander
III. was over. Balls were again given in the Winter Palace, though
its young mistress did not much care for dancing, but they were of
shorter duration, and not half so lively as those of past times. For
one thing the Empress was herself nursing her little daughter, much
to the indignation of her relatives, who considered that it was not
a befitting thing to do in her position, and she liked to retire
early. At all these receptions she was lovely in appearance, and was
gorgeously dressed, perhaps too gorgeously, and she certainly made a
splendid apparition when she entered a ballroom. But people thought her
dull, and found her devoid of that kind of conversation which goes by
the name of “small talk.” She was far too frank to hide her feelings,
and could not bring herself to show herself amused whilst in reality
she felt bored. This was noticed, and of course resented. People expect
one to be interested in their doings and sayings, and an Empress who
hardly ever smiled did not tally with their estimate of what she ought
to have been, so that with one thing and another, the winter season,
generally so brilliant in St. Petersburg, and to which one had looked
forward eagerly after the sad one which had preceded it, did not prove
the success that was expected. Alexandra Feodorovna was fast becoming
unpopular, simply because she would not lower herself to the level of
those who criticised her so openly and so persistently.

Already in those early days there existed a party against her, which
never missed an opportunity to compare her with her mother-in-law,
and this not to her advantage. The Dowager had been immensely liked,
partly because she had always made it a point to appear to like every
one she knew or met. She had not perhaps been more talkative than her
daughter-in-law, but she had smiled sweetly and nodded kindly to all
her acquaintances, and she had never noticed the shortcomings of her
neighbour. Alexandra Feodorovna, on the contrary, was inclined to be
satirical, and had a keen sense of humour, that was not destined to add
to the pleasures of her existence. She drew most clever caricatures,
and was fond of showing them. One day she produced a wonderfully clever
sketch of the Czar, sitting in a baby chair, whilst his mother was
scolding him for refusing to take a plate of soup she was handing to
him. The drawing passed from hand to hand, and did not contribute
towards establishing harmonious relations between the two Empresses,
whilst the public was scandalised to see the Czar made fun of by his
own wife, who ought to have been the first person to show him respect
and deference. All these were but small things, but they constituted
the drop of water which ends by wearing away the hardest rock. Many
times I wished to warn my mistress of the criticisms to which she
willingly lent herself by her manners and conduct, but I never dared;
and those who could have done so, like her Mistress of the Robes and
her ladies in waiting, did not sufficiently consider her interests to
bring to her observation these small matters, which in reality were
important ones, in regard to her future comfort and happiness.

What with one thing and another, the unpopularity of the young
Sovereign was already an established fact when the Coronation took
place at Moscow. It appeared quite plainly on the day she made her
public entry into the ancient city, when the crowds greeted her with
absolute silence, whilst they vociferously cheered the Dowager
Empress. Alexandra felt this deeply, and when she was alone in her
rooms she wept profusely over this manifestation of the displeasure
of the nation in regard to her person. It was the first time that I
had seen her giving way to grief of any kind, and it affected me very
much, especially in view of what was to follow. I had already learnt
to love this sweet, gentle lady, who seemed to be pursued with such
persistent bad luck, and whose actions were misunderstood by the very
people who ought to have appreciated the real motives which guided
her. The Empress had a high sense of duty, but a mistaken idea of what
it consisted. She was far too desirous of winning the approval of her
subjects to set herself to do it in the right way, and besides, she had
no one to point out to her the various idiosyncrasies of the Russian
nation and of Russian society. She did not wish to go against what she
considered to be the national feelings of the people over whom she
reigned, and yet she contrived to wound these feelings at almost every
step she took.

[Illustration: _Paul Thompson_

THRONE ROOM IN THE KREMLIN AT MOSCOW]

A terrible example of this occurred during this same Coronation I am
talking about. Every one knows the sad accident which was to mar it,
and which offered an analogy with the one that occurred in Paris
during the wedding festivities of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette.
Thanks to the negligence and carelessness of those who ought to have
known better, a popular festival which was one of the distinctive
features of the whole pageant of the Coronation, ended in dire
disaster, and something like twenty thousand people were crushed to
death on the Khodinka Field near Moscow. That same night a ball was
to take place at the French Embassy. The Ambassador, the Count de
Montebello, sent one of his attachés to the Master of the Ceremonies,
asking whether he was to postpone it in view of the catastrophe which
had taken place in the morning. This official who, with others, had
applied himself to keep the Czar in ignorance of the magnitude of
the disaster, took it upon himself to reply that there was no reason
for this change in the programme, and the Court accordingly repaired
to the French Embassy. The young Empress, who had heard from one of
her ladies the truth as to what had taken place, was most unhappy at
the necessity of appearing in public on the day when such a terrible
calamity had overtaken so many people, but she felt afraid to say
what she thought, out of dread that one might think she had seized
hold of the first pretext she could find in order to avoid showing
herself at the Montebellos. It was already at that time suspected
that her sympathies were with the Germans, and she was quite aware of
the opinion concerning them and herself. She did not wish to give any
further ground for this belief and thus did not follow the instincts
of her heart, which would have carried her to the different hospitals
where the victims of the morning had been taken. So with sorrow in her
soul, and anxiety in her mind, she went to that fatal ball and danced
the whole night, though her thoughts were absent from the gay scene of
which she was such an unwilling participator.

On her return to the Kremlin she dropped into an easy-chair beside her
bed and burst into loud sobs, not heeding my presence or that of her
other maids. Not caring for them to witness this explosion of sorrow,
I sent them away, and tried to comfort my mistress to the best of my
ability, entreating her to control herself, and not to distress the
Emperor with the sight of her grief. But Alexandra Feodorovna kept
weeping until at last I induced her to repair to the nursery, where
the sight of her little girl sleeping in her cot brought back her
composure.

And this was the woman who was represented to be cold and unfeeling,
and who was reproached for her utter indifference in presence of a
catastrophe of unusual magnitude! Had she but listened to the cry of
her own heart, and not always lived in dread of making mistakes and of
going against the sympathies of her surroundings, she would certainly
have fared much better, and most probably would have been far more
liked.

The Coronation was far from the success that had been expected, and the
Court returned to Peterhof with a feeling of relief that it was over.
A few quiet weeks followed, perhaps the happiest in the whole life of
Alexandra Feodorovna, who started then to organise what afterwards
turned out to be quite an institution—sewing classes at which she
presided, where ladies of society made garments for the poor which
were distributed to the latter at Christmas, something like Queen
Mary of England’s Needlework Guild. This was her first venture in the
charitable line, and for some time it proved a successful one, because
many ladies entered into the spirit of it, unfortunately out of
interested motives, and because they expected that it would bring them
to the Sovereign’s notice and thus contribute to the success of their
worldly career. But here again the Empress did not realise what lay at
the bottom of the willingness with which her appeal was responded to,
and she did not show any special favour to the women who had entered
into its spirit. These were very soon disgusted at what they called
Imperial ingratitude, and at last the sewing classes of Czarskoi Selo
came to an end, at least so far as the fashionable world was concerned,
because they continued to be frequented by the wives and daughters of
the small tradesmen of the Imperial borough, eager to be brought into
personal contact with their Czar’s wife, and with this new element they
prospered and contrived to do a great deal of good. Later on, during
the Japanese war, they were transported to the Winter Palace in St.
Petersburg, where they remained installed until the Revolution, the
present war having given them a new stimulant.

It was during the weeks which immediately followed upon the Coronation
that the plans for a series of visits abroad to the different capitals
of Europe were at last settled. It was also then that it was finally
decided these visits should include one to the President of the French
Republic, an event which, as can be imagined, gave rise to many an
animated discussion, and which caused much ink to be spilt in the
chanceries and newspaper offices of the whole world, particularly of
Europe. The Empress looked forward with apprehension to this journey,
but nevertheless prepared herself for it with unusual care. I had never
before seen her so interested in regard to the clothes she was to wear,
and she sent minute directions to Worth of rue de la Paix fame, who was
to be entrusted with the task of making the gowns required for this
momentous occasion. Much against her will, however, it was decided
that some of the Crown jewels were to be taken along, as it was deemed
necessary to display unusual splendour during this trip. This did not
please the Empress, in view of the disputes which had arisen between
her and her mother-in-law in regard to these same jewels, but she was
not allowed to interfere, and both the historic necklace and the tiara
of Catherine II. were duly packed and taken. Events proved that the
instinct of Alexandra Feodorovna had been a true one, because St.
Petersburg society bitterly reproached her for this infraction of the
old Romanoff traditions, which required that the Crown diamonds should
not be taken out of Russia, and even the Imperial family criticised
this innovation in ancient customs, and made her responsible for it.
In reality it was the then Foreign Minister, Prince Lobanoff, who had
insisted on the Empress appearing in London, Paris and Vienna, in the
full pomp of her Imperial position, and who had raised this question
with which Alexandra Feodorovna herself had had nothing to do, beyond
submitting to the arrangements which others had made on her behalf. It
is thus that history is written.




CHAPTER V

VISITS ABROAD


The beginning of the visits of the young Emperor and Empress to foreign
courts was marked by one of those misfortunes which seemed to dog
their footsteps wherever they went. The Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Prince Lobanoff, died suddenly at a railway station where the Imperial
train had stopped for a few minutes. He was a man of great ability and
wide diplomatic experience, and, moreover, was a staunch friend of the
young Empress, who mourned him with all her heart. He would undoubtedly
have given her good advice later on, which she often needed, and might
have put her on her guard against the insidious counsel which she so
often received from people interested in seeing her commit blunder
after blunder. His successor, Count Mouravieff, was a protégé as well
as a favourite of the Empress’s mother, who was responsible for his
appointment. He was also a man of unusual ability, but one who knew
very well on which side his bread was buttered, and who was far too
worldly wise to attach himself to a woman who, he knew but too well,
would never succeed in making herself popular in the country on whose
throne she sat.

One of the first visits paid by Nicholas II. and his Consort abroad was
to the German Emperor and Empress in the town of Breslau, which had
been chosen in order to give a more intimate look to the interview, and
to divest it from the more official character it would have had, had
it taken place in Berlin. They were received with great pomp. William
II. assumed his best manners and tried by all means in his power to
make his guests feel comfortable. He was the first cousin of Alexandra
Feodorovna and at one time had imagined that he would find in her a
staunch ally in his various schemes. But during those first months
of her married life the Czarina had learnt another lesson, and that
was that she had better avoid meddling with politics. She therefore
confined herself to the exchange of banalities with her German cousins,
so that the Empress Augusta Victoria afterwards remarked that she had
never expected to find “Alix” so very frivolous. The fact is that the
young Czarina had taken great care to be splendidly dressed for the
occasion. Worth had sent a special messenger to St. Petersburg to
confer with her as to the clothes she would require for this great
event: her first appearance as the Empress of All the Russias at
Foreign Courts. For the great State dinner which took place in Breslau
my mistress wore a gown the tissue of which had been specially woven
in Lyons for her, a lustrous white satin brocaded with golden lilies
and feathers, the low bodice profusely trimmed with gold lace. In her
hair was a diadem of sapphires and brilliants, and on her neck reposed
priceless sapphires and pearls, the longest row of which fell down
to the bottom of her skirt. She looked truly magnificent, but this
splendour was bitterly criticised by the German people, who declared
she wanted to impress them with her riches. Another thing which also
displeased her hosts was the fact that she had brought her gold toilet
service, and caused to be put aside the silver one that had been
prepared for her, which out of compliment for her had been specially
brought from the Royal Treasury in Berlin. This silver toilet set
had belonged to the famous Queen Louise, the mother of William I.,
and the Kaiser had imagined that by allowing it to be used by his
Russian guest he was paying her a great compliment. When he heard it
had been discarded by her he was mortally offended, and even made a
cutting remark to that effect, which in her turn she bitterly resented,
saying that it seemed to her that her cousin William still thought her
the little Hessian Princess of as little importance as she had been
before her marriage. All these things might have been avoided with a
little tact, and often did I deplore this habit the Czarina had, of
impulsively saying things that hurt. I had tried to dissuade her from
dragging along with her this heavy toilet set, which, in fact, got her
into trouble wherever she went, but she would not listen, and told me
that it did not concern me what she had decided, and that I had only to
execute the commands given to me, so perforce I had to remain silent.
Another whim of the Empress was to carry with her the beautiful lace
trimmings of her dressing table. Wherever we went they had to be taken
out and adjusted to the table before which she sat to have her hair
dressed, and sometimes this caused unnecessary work which exasperated
her maids, because all tables were not of the same size, and the lace
had to be adjusted under difficulties, as of course it could not be
cut. It was point d’Angleterre and Brussels lace, and one of the sets
was composed of old Argenton, valued at twenty thousand francs. The
set had to be changed every day, and was further ornamented with satin
ribbons of different colours, that added to its impression of richness.

Strange to say, the Czarina enjoyed far more her visit to the Vienna
Court than the one she had paid to her Berlin cousins. She had always
felt curious to know the Empress Elizabeth, and the fact that the
latter had consented to come out of her retirement, and to be present
at her reception in Vienna, could not but flatter her. Moreover, she
felt attracted by the personality of the beautiful Bavarian Princess,
whom a sad fate had transformed into a Mater Dolorosa, and the two
ladies were from the first sympathetic to each other. By a delicate
attention, which I fear no one appreciated, the Czarina had selected a
white dress for the State dinner which was given in the Hofburg, and
during the whole time she stayed in Vienna, she made it a point not
to appear in colours, out of respect for the feelings of the Empress
Elizabeth, who never, as long as she lived, left off her mourning for
the Archduke Rudolph.

We also, during this tour, went to Balmoral, where the Empress met her
grandmother, Queen Victoria. The old Sovereign had been very kind to
this grandchild of hers, ever since the untimely death of her mother,
the Princess Alice, and had had her often with her. But this stay at
Balmoral was not a success. Perhaps it was hardly possible it could
be one, because my mistress’ disposition was not one which brooked
interference, and Queen Victoria, who had heard, as she generally did
all that concerned her immediate family, of the growing unpopularity of
the young Czarina, took her to task for it and began advising her as to
what she ought to do. The Empress, however, did not accept any advice,
thinking that no one outside of Russia could appreciate the growing
difficulties of her situation, and, besides, not caring to initiate her
grandmother into the various intrigues rampant in the Russian Imperial
family. So she received coolly the exhortations of the Queen, and when
the two ladies parted it was not as warmly as might have been expected.

Of course the culminating point of the foreign visits of the Emperor
and Empress was Paris. It awaited them with an enthusiasm the like of
which the French capital had probably never before seen. From every
side one heard cries of “Vive l’Impératrice!” resounding in the air,
and the appreciations of the newspapers and of the public were all of
them warm and full of sincere admiration. But the Empress, who was in
a delicate state of health, did not seem to care for the elaborate
programme of festivities which had been planned in her honour, and
showed herself more than usually listless and indifferent. She was
tired, and besides felt embarrassed at what she considered to be
exaggerated expressions of admiration with which she was greeted. She
showed it so plainly that somehow the Parisians felt that she did not
quite appreciate their efforts to please her, and they began in their
turn to criticise her, together with her manners and her dresses.
Though Worth had surpassed himself, yet the clothes which he had made
for this occasion lacked the true Parisian chic which is required by
the gay city. And it began to be whispered that the Czarina did not
know how to dress herself, a grave reproach in French eyes. There
occurred also another incident which illustrates the want of tact
which so often interfered with the conduct of my Imperial mistress,
and which characterised all her entourage and court. The Russian
Ambassador, Baron Mohrenheim, gave a luncheon party at the Embassy to
which he invited the leaders of that part of French society called
the Faubourg St. Germain. Among those who responded to his appeal
were the Duchesses de Luynes and d’Uzes, the Countess Aimery de la
Rochefoucauld, and the Duchesse de Doudeauville. The Czarina had been
told that these ladies were not in favour in Republican circles, and
she felt afraid to show them any attention which might be interpreted
as a desire to please the enemies of the Régime which was welcoming
her. She consequently allowed them to be presented to her, but spoke
but a few words to them, and showed herself so cool in regard to them
that of course she gave grave offence, and Baron Mohrenheim was told
that his “_Impératrice n’était pas aimable_.”

Of course a woman with a little experience of the world might have
known how to conciliate the different elements with which she was
brought in contact. But Alexandra Feodorovna was not a diplomat, and,
moreover, never could hide her feelings. She thus contrived to wound
those whom, perhaps, in her secret heart she was most anxious to please.

The little Grand Duchess Olga had accompanied her parents during these
visits, and notwithstanding the many things she had to do, and the
numerous calls upon her time, my mistress never forgot to be present
at her child’s undressing in the evening, and had her brought to her
room the first thing in the morning. I generally wakened the Czarina at
eight o’clock, when I would hand her a lace and silk morning jacket,
which was brought to me by the maid on duty, and then she would ask
for her daughter, with whom she played for half an hour or so before
glancing at the morning’s papers and taking the cup of tea which she
liked in the morning. It had to be very strong and bitter, and she
never took sugar or cream with it. When she was dressed she used to
partake, with the Emperor, of an English breakfast, which, after having
been fixed for half-past nine o’clock, was, later on, partaken of
much earlier, so as not to interfere with the children’s lessons. The
Empress was fond of eggs, and of a certain crisp kind of bacon, such as
was generally found at Windsor or Balmoral, or any of the residences
of Queen Victoria. She was, in general, very English in her tastes,
and English was the only language used in the Russian Imperial family
circle. This attention of Alexandra Feodorovna to her daughter was of
course praised in Paris as well as in London, but not appreciated as
it ought to have been in St. Petersburg, where it was said that she
would have done better to have been less of a good mother, and more of
an Empress. The Imperial family especially criticised it freely, and
called her a Mere Gigogne in derision. When one daughter after another
was born to her, these criticisms became even more acute, and it was
said that she wasted all her time looking after little girls whose
existence was of no interest at all to the Russian Empire.

I must here relate a fact that, so far as I know, has never been made
public. After the Coronation the Empress, owing to over-fatigue, had
an accident which destroyed some hopes of maternity she was nursing.
She had not spoken of her condition in her family, and she told me
that she felt very glad she had not done so, because most probably she
would have been accused of some imprudence or other, the more so that
her doctor said that the expected child would, in all probability,
have been a boy. Nevertheless the thing somehow came to the knowledge
of the public in the sense that it was suspected, though no one knew
for a certainty whether it was true or not, that such an accident
had taken place, and with the usual wickedness of humanity, it was
rumoured that the Sovereign had had reasons to hide the condition she
found herself in, and that the accident in itself had been brought
on more voluntarily than accidentally. I was one day asked whether
these sayings which circulated freely in St. Petersburg were true or
not. Imagine my indignation and anger on hearing my beloved mistress
accused of so terrible a thing, the accusation having not the slightest
foundation to justify it. When later on my Imperial mistress began to
honour me with her confidence, I implored her whenever she thought she
had reasons to suppose that she was about to become again a mother, to
mention the fact at once, and give it as much publicity as possible.
But she was so persistently pursued by bad luck that this also proved
later on a source of much trouble to her, when she happened to be
attacked by an illness which was at first attributed to a condition
that in reality did not exist.

[Illustration: _Paul Thompson_

OLD BANQUET HALL OF THE CZARS]

When we returned to St. Petersburg after this triumphant (for such it
was considered to have been) journey abroad, we were welcomed there
with more effusion than had been even expected. The French alliance was
becoming very popular, and the Russian nation moreover felt flattered
at the idea that its Sovereigns had been made so much of wherever they
had been. We went at first to Czarskoi Selo and then moved for the
winter season to the capital, where the Empress, as usual, received
the ladies of society after mass on New Year’s day, after which
began the usual round of gaieties that made St. Petersburg such an
attractive town at the time I am writing about. But instead of the
seven or eight balls generally given during the winter, the Empress
arranged to give only four, varied with four theatrical performances
in the little theatre of the Ermitage Palace, which had been built by
the Empress Catherine. These performances, which were always composed
of classical pieces, were declared to be dull, and people found one
excuse or another to absent themselves from them, thus beginning the
system of boycotting which, later on, was extended to all the Empress’
entertainments. She was voted a bore and no criticism could have been
worse, considering the existing state, together with the habits and
customs, of the society of the Russian capital.




CHAPTER VI

THE GRAND DUCHESS ELIZABETH


At the risk of rousing a storm of indignation against me, I must say
that one of the misfortunes of the Czarina was to have in Russia an
elder sister already married to a Russian Grand Duke. I know that it is
an established legend that the Grand Duchess Elizabeth is a saint, who
ought to have been canonised in her lifetime. But, in reality, things
were not as represented. The Grand Duchess was a very ambitious woman,
and moreover one who cared for nothing and for nobody in the world
with the exception of her own self. In spite of the report that her
marriage was a very miserable one, she was on the contrary perfectly
happy with her husband, who was quite content to let her live her own
life, and who never interfered with anything it might please her to
do. When he was appointed Governor General of Moscow, she hastened to
go over to the Greek Church, in order to win for herself popularity in
the ancient capital of the Russian Czars, and to a certain extent she
succeeded in doing so. She took advantage of her position as eldest
sister of the young Czarina to try to influence her, and to prejudice
her against those people of whom she thought she had personally reason
to complain. The weakness of the character of Nicholas II. was well
known to his family, long before he ever ascended the throne, and
both the Grand Duke Sergius, who, let it be said by the way, was an
exceedingly clever man, and his wife made up their minds to rule Russia
through the influence of its new Empress, and to become the only really
important personages in the State. They partly succeeded, and this was
the cause of most of the misfortunes which were later on to assail the
unfortunate Czarina.

The latter, in spite of her impetuous and, if the truth need be
said, haughty disposition, stood in awe of her eldest sister, a
feeling out of which the Grand Duchess Elizabeth knew very well how
to make capital. She set herself to persuade her sister that it was
indispensable she should affect a far stronger attachment to the
orthodox faith than she really professed, and that if only the orthodox
clergy should think they had found in her an energetic support, she
would rapidly become popular. It must not be forgotten that at that
time the influence of priests in general was fast waning, and that
they were aware of the fact. It is not surprising, therefore, that
they tried to find a ally among the Imperial family, and that the
Grand Duchess Elizabeth, who made a profession of being absorbed in
the practices of a narrow devotion, became the object of their pet
affection. She was quite conscious of this fact, and being a far
cleverer woman than she looked, she used it to her own advantage and to
the detriment of her sister.

Elizabeth Feodorovna had the reputation of being a semi-saint. In
reality she was nothing of the kind, for she liked the bad as well
as the good things of this world to an inordinate degree. Fond of
admiration, she had not been insensible to the one which she inspired,
and her admirers had been many, to begin with her own husband’s
brother, the Grand Duke Paul. But she had carried all her intrigues
in a grand manner, and had never allowed them to interfere with the
general comfort of her existence. Worldly to her finger tips, she yet
affected the manners of an unworldly woman, and she “took in” most of
those with whom she came into contact by her hypocrisy, for it could
hardly be called anything else.

At heart she was jealous of her sister, just as she had been jealous
of the Empress Marie Feodorovna, during the latter’s reign. It was for
this reason principally that she had been so glad to go to Moscow,
where she knew she would be the first lady in the town, and would enjoy
a semi-Imperial position. She did not care to see any one put before
her, and she applied herself to render the young Czarina unpopular by
every means in her power.

Of course the unfortunate Alexandra Feodorovna, who knew nothing
about Russia and still less about Russian society when she married,
believed all that her sister told her, and the latter gave her a
totally false opinion as to most of the people whom she saw, or with
whom she was thrown into contact—the Empress Dowager to begin with,
and all the other members of the Imperial family. Among the latter
the young Czarina might have found friends but too happy to guide
her, such for instance as her own sister-in-law, the Grand Duchess
Xenia, who was about her own age, and who would have been only too
glad to be of use to her. But the latter’s husband, the Grand Duke
Alexander Michaylovitsch, was credited with ambitious designs, and was
moreover one of the most intelligent men of his day. This was more than
sufficient to eliminate him from the number of the people whom it was
deemed expedient for Alexandra Feodorovna to see much of.

I shall quote one instance of the kind of influence which the Grand
Duchess Elizabeth exercised over her sister. One day the Empress came
to me and told me (this happened during the war) that her sister had
sent her some relics of a famous saint in the Orthodox Church, who was
buried in the cathedral of Rostoff on the Don, telling her at the same
time that she ought to have them dissolved in water and then drink this
water early in the morning before she had partaken of any other food.
Should she do so, success would come to the Russian arms without fail.
The poor Empress was torn asunder between her conviction that her duty
required her to obey her sister and her distaste for the abominable
beverage she was expected to swallow. I tried my best to persuade her
that the whole thing was nonsense, but then Rasputin, who was one of
the instruments of the Grand Duchess Elizabeth, interfered, and, after
much hesitation, the unfortunate Czarina at last made up her mind to
drink the dirty relics as she had been ordered, and, as a consequence,
was abominably sick.

It was also Elizabeth Feodorovna who was responsible for the
introduction of Rasputin into the immediate circle of the Imperial
family. Before that she had presented to her sister a Frenchman, called
Philippe, who was supposed to be one of the first mediums in Europe,
and for a short time this Philippe was quite an important personage
at Court. It was about the time the Japanese war broke out, and the
intriguing Frenchman did his best to consolidate his influence and
power, by making all kinds of prophecies as to the course the struggle
was about to take. Events, however, gave the lie to his predictions,
because instead of the brilliant successes which he had prophesied,
defeat attended the course of the campaign, and the Russian armies
were routed. This shook the reputation of the medium, and, finally,
after another failure of a private nature (he had promised the Empress
she would give birth to a son in the course of the next six months,
which did not happen) he was dismissed, principally at the request of
the Grand Duke Nicholas, who called upon the Czar and revealed to
the latter the many intrigues of which Philippe had been guilty. When
he was gone the Empress spent her time turning tables alone or with a
few chosen friends, and she at last got her nervous system into such a
condition that it is no wonder she fell an easy prey to Rasputin when
the latter was presented to her by her sister, with the assurance that
he was one of the greatest saints the Russian Orthodox Church had ever
known.

This influence of the Grand Duchess Elizabeth was exercised not only
in religious and political matters, but also in purely frivolous ones.
For instance, she introduced into the Imperial Palace a dressmaker
from Moscow who used to make her own gowns, and to whom she had
promised she would procure the Empress as a client. This dressmaker,
who, I have always felt convinced was a German spy, became quite an
important personage at Court, and soon my mistress did not dare to
order a gown from any one else but this woman. This of course caused
great dissatisfaction among her former modistes, both in Petrograd
and in Paris, who, after having enjoyed her patronage for a number
of years, found it hard to be set aside for a newcomer. I tried more
than once to remonstrate and to urge the expediency of not offending
former friends, if such an expression can be used in the like case,
but I was immediately silenced, with the result that the Empress spent
twice as much on her clothes as she had done during the first years of
her marriage and was dressed with much less taste. Under the pretext
that she ought to wear Russian silks, gowns of inferior materials were
made for her, and made abominably into the bargain. This was the more
shameful that Moscow possesses silk manufactories, the produce of
which is not a bit inferior to the loveliest French silks, but my poor
mistress never got the chance to have them, and the cheapest and most
vile satin and velvets were those which her famous Moscow dressmaker
selected for her. Worth, who for years had had the privilege of making
the dresses of the Russian Empresses, became very angry at the neglect
with which his offers were treated, and soon the Empress came to be
called stingy, not only in St. Petersburg but also in Paris, where
proprietors of the many establishments where she had formerly got her
clothes became her enemies, and took to calling her German, for the
only reason that she did not any longer buy her dresses and other
things from them. It would have been easy to avoid all this had one
been possessed of a strong and independent will and not set trembling,
as my poor mistress was, whenever her sister swept down upon her with
a complaint or in an excitement of some kind or another. When the
little Grand Duchesses grew up, their aunt also interfered with their
education. She believed herself to be an excellent pedagogue, and was
convinced that she had brought up admirably the two motherless children
of her brother-in-law, the Grand Duke Paul, Dmitry and Marie, who was
later on to become the wife of a Swedish Prince from whom she was
divorced a short time afterwards. In reality she had done nothing of
the kind, and neither the nephew nor the niece over whose childhood she
was supposed to have watched with such care, did her any honour, nor
proved in any way the excellence of the training which she was supposed
to have given them. In regard to the children of the Czar and of the
Czarina, her influence proved quite mischievous, and might have become
even dangerous if the strong common sense of the two eldest girls had
not saved them from the danger of the superstitious atmosphere with
which their aunt wanted to surround them.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

RASPUTIN]

The Empress was the best and most tender of mothers. Indeed her
affection for her children was almost too fervent, for she was always
anxious on their account and would hardly ever allow them to mix with
other people for fear of anything evil befalling them. She thought,
quite naturally, that she could trust her sister and share with her the
responsibilities of the education of her family. In reality she could
not have made a worse choice, because between ambition and superstition
the Grand Duchess Elizabeth was about the last person who ought to have
been permitted free access to girls of the impressionable temperament
of the young daughters of Nicholas II.




CHAPTER VII

THE CZARINA’S FAMILY RELATIONS


The Empress, like all German Princesses, had been brought up in a
family atmosphere which had a great deal of the bourgeois about it.
Her father had been comparatively a poor man, and his household had
been conducted on most modest lines, as can be seen from the letters
of the Czarina’s mother, the Grand Duchess Alice of Hesse, addressed
to her own mother, Queen Victoria. Neither pomp nor magnificence had
presided over the rearing of the young Princesses left motherless so
soon, and it was only at Windsor and at Balmoral that Princess Alix
had seen what a Sovereign’s existence meant. But on the other hand she
had been very happy with her sisters and with her brother to whom she
was particularly attached. For some years after their father’s death
she had been practically the mistress of his household, and she had
felt bitterly his marriage with their cousin, the Princess Victoria
Melita of Saxe-Coburg. The latter, whose mother was a Russian Grand
Duchess, had, in her own way, just as imperious a character as her
sister-in-law, and soon relations between the two girls became more
than strained. As is well known, the marriage of the Grand Duke of
Hesse turned out a most unhappy one and ended with a divorce in which
the Princess Alix sided with her brother, and allowed the latter’s wife
to see that such was the case. This brought about a family quarrel,
which was further accentuated by the re-marriage of Victoria Melita
with her other cousin, the Grand Duke Cyril of Russia, which incensed
the Empress to such a degree that she used all her influence over
the Czar to persuade the latter to exile Cyril and his bride, and to
deprive them of their fortune and rank at the Russian Court. This was
a most unfortunate action, because it roused against the Czarina the
wrath of all her relatives, who already did not like her, and who in
consequence went over to swell the ranks of her enemies, alas, already
too numerous.

I have always regretted that my Imperial mistress was not able to make
for herself friends among her own relatives. This partiality which
she always exhibited in regard to her Hessian connections was a very
unfortunate one, and added certainly to her unpopularity. Had she been
wise, she might easily have found a warm support in the Czar’s sister,
the Grand Duchess Xenia, and the latter’s husband, whose kind feelings
in regard to her would have secured for her the allegiance of all the
sons of the Grand Duke Michael, the great uncle of the Czar, and the
most respected member of the Romanoff family, as well as the oldest.
Unfortunately she did not see the necessity for doing so, and she
feared the influence undoubtedly exercised at one time over the Czar’s
mind by Xenia, his favourite sister. Consequently she kept her at arm’s
length, and avoided inviting her to Czarskoi Selo. The Imperial family,
finding itself snubbed at every step, boycotted in its turn their
Empress, with the result that the latter drifted every day a little
farther from those who ought to have been her natural friends and
supporters.

The Grand Duchess Vladimir, herself a German Princess and by birth a
Duchess of Mecklenburg, had at one time been the one to whom Alexandra
Feodorovna had been the most attracted, and a certain intimacy had
even established itself between them. Then one day the Princess, when
calling on her niece, had found established in her room one of the
numerous nuns with whom the latter liked to surround herself and who
had been presented to her by her sister Elizabeth. She had made a few
remarks as to inadvisability of an Empress of Russia admitting into
such close intimacy an uneducated woman, who, moreover, was probably
like all Russian nuns, devoted to gossip. These remarks were very
badly received and put an end to a friendship that, in spite of the
many inconveniences it presented (the Grand Duchess Vladimir being
an active supporter of the Kaiser and of the German party at Court),
would still have been preferable to the one which continued to persist
between Alexandra Feodorovna and any amount of ignorant monks and nuns
whose society she grew at last to prefer to that of everybody else.
This, however, was not saying much, because as time went on my mistress
developed more and more this unfortunate love for solitude for which
she was so often, and not unjustly, reproached. She had a great defect
for a woman in her high position—that of taking life too seriously,
in the sense that she would never admit that any one had the right to
seek amusement or relaxation from the duties of one’s daily existence.
Indeed she looked out for duties, and found some where none existed.
She hated balls, and society she thoroughly despised, believing that
it was composed of frivolous and ill-natured people. She did not care
for innocent pleasures, not because she had any preference for others,
but because she was convinced that every single hour of any man’s or
woman’s existence ought to be consecrated to duty or occupation of some
kind. When she was compelled to appear at a ball or State function,
she did so with such a bored look that it could not fail to be noticed
and of course was resented. Her greatest happiness would have been to
lead an out-of-doors life, to take long walks, and to play tennis or
golf as a relaxation. Even her readings were always serious ones, and
such a thing as a novel was never seen in her apartments. Sometimes
her sisters-in-law would urge upon her the necessity of reading such
or such a book, whose publication had created some kind of stir in the
world. But she invariably refused, or if she consented did so under
protest, and would later on make scathing remarks as to her aversion
for such kind of literature. The Czar, on the other hand, liked to
peruse a good novel, and sometimes attempted to read the contents of
one aloud to his wife, when she would listen with a bored look on her
face, but would not, however, express in any other way her disapproval.
She was very considerate for her husband, though in the early days of
their marriage she had been inclined to show too much her influence and
power over his mind, which was also one of the things Russian society
had not forgiven her. One incident in particular had aroused the ire of
the Empress Dowager, who had made no secret of her indignation against
her young daughter-in-law on the subject. The Czar and his wife had
accepted an invitation to dine and spend the evening at the barracks of
the Hussar regiment, of which the Emperor, when heir to the throne, had
been in command. Nicholas II. was enjoying himself, as he invariably
did when amidst his old comrades of former times, but the Empress
was far from doing so, therefore, when eleven o’clock struck, she
determined she had had quite enough of it, and, calling to her husband,
said loudly and distinctly in English: “Now come, my boy, it is time
to go to bed!” One may imagine the horror of the assistants on hearing
the autocrat of All the Russias addressed in public as “my boy” by his
imprudent wife. The incident was widely commented upon and discussed,
and Marie Feodorovna thought it her duty to remonstrate with her
daughter-in-law on the subject, saying that she had never ventured to
address Alexander III. in presence of others, let alone in an official
occasion such as this one had been, otherwise than as “Sir” or “Your
Majesty.” My mistress took these remonstrances in very bad part, and
the relations between the two ladies did not improve after this affair.

Had Alexandra Feodorovna been surrounded by people who wished her well,
they would have tried to educate her mind, and to bring to her notice
the necessity of observing certain details pertaining to etiquette of
which she had never been taught the necessity in her small Darmstadt,
but which she could not neglect in her position as Empress of Russia.
Kindness would have done wonders with her, and no one would have
appreciated it more than herself, but opposition of any kind had the
effect of exasperating her and of driving her to do precisely what
she ought not to have done. She had the idea that as the wife of an
autocratic ruler she was placed above every kind of criticism, and that
no one dared to make any remark concerning her conduct or manners. Of
course this was a mistaken idea, but it had so thoroughly taken hold of
her mind that nothing could ever drive it away, and it has certainly
contributed to the misfortunes which have assailed her later on. Alas!
alas! how often have I not regretted that this sweet Princess, so
attractive in many ways, could not be brought to look upon the world
with other eyes than those of an enemy. If only she had believed those
who sincerely loved her, how different her life might have been!

During the summer of 1898, the Grand Duchess Olga caught the scarlet
fever. The English nurse who was in charge of the Imperial nursery
was left with the second little girl who had been born to the Czar
and Czarina, the Grand Duchess Tatiana, and the Empress took it upon
herself to nurse the sick child unaided. I begged permission to share
with her the care of the invalid, and it was after this that my
mistress began to confide in me to a certain degree, and to speak to
me about some of her many anxieties and sorrows. I can remember her so
well during these days and nights sitting by the cot in which her small
daughter slept, clad in a dressing gown of white flannel which I had
almost compelled her to buy for the occasion, her fair head resting on
her hand, absorbed in her thoughts, and with that sweet but anxious
expression on her beautiful face, which already at that time had begun
to settle on her features. She complained to me once that she had been
reproached by her relatives for exposing herself to the danger of
contagion. “As if that mattered,” she said, “even if I died, for the
Emperor would always find another wife who perhaps would be luckier
than I have been, and able to give him an heir. No one would miss me,
with the exception perhaps of these children,” and she started weeping
bitter tears. I tried to comfort her, saying that she must not talk in
that way, because no woman had ever been more loved by her husband than
she was by the Emperor. “Ah, my dear,” retorted the Empress, “what good
does it do me to be loved by my husband when all the world is against
me? It is the nation’s love I would wish to win, and how can I hope to
do so, so long as I have not given an heir to Russia!” Poor woman, she
really imagined that the cause of her unpopularity was the fact that
she had no son!

This reminds me of the state of mind into which my poor mistress was
thrown at the birth of her second daughter, Tatiana. She had been
worrying the whole time of her pregnancy at the idea that she might
have another girl, until at last the thought of it had become quite an
obsession, and her nervous system had been absolutely shattered as a
consequence. When the child came into the world there was a profound
silence in the room, and the doctor informed the Czar, by a previously
arranged sign, of the sex of the infant, which it was deemed necessary
to conceal from the mother at first. But the Empress saw the anxious
and troubled faces around her when she had recovered from the effects
of the chloroform which had been administered to her, and her first
words were: “My God, it is again a daughter. What will the nation say,
what will the nation say?” and she burst into loud hysterics.

Nevertheless, the wee, wee maidens who came one after the other to
enliven the family circle of the Czar and Czarina, though they were
very badly received, became in time the objects of their parents’
most affectionate love, and were cared for just as much as if their
births had not constituted a severe disappointment for their father
and mother. But the fact that for something like ten years Russia had
no direct heir, shook the position of Alexandra Feodorovna, who began
to be considered as a person of no consequence. People looked up to
the Grand Duke Michael, in whom every one saw the future Czar, and
who not only was immensely popular, but whose features and character
reminded one more than those of any of his other children of the
late Alexander III. The Empress was quite aware of this fact, and it
did not contribute to her liking for her brother-in-law. In general,
she was not upon good terms with any members of the Russian Imperial
family, with the exception of her sister of course, and of the latter’s
husband, the Grand Duke Sergius, and she clung more than ever to her
German relations, and to her brother in particular. She was always
looking forward to the short sojourns which from time to time she was
allowed to make in Darmstadt, where she felt more at her ease than
anywhere else, with the exception of Livadia, in the Crimea, where she
built for herself a kind of fairy palace, in place of the small cottage
which had been found sufficient for the Empress Marie Alexandrovna,
and where Alexander III. had breathed his last. The construction of
this palace was also one of the things for which my mistress was
reproached. People said that it was not seemly to have pulled down the
house where the late Czar had died, and they had criticised the large
amount of money which had been wasted, as was said, on the erection of
this new residence. When this was repeated to the Empress, she became
quite furious, and swore that not one of those who had thus allowed
themselves to be dissatisfied with what she had done would ever enter
the gates of her Crimean home. She kept her promise, and not even
her mother-in-law was ever invited to look upon the new castle which
Alexandra Feodorovna had built for herself on the shores of the Black
Sea, and which she had made so beautiful.




CHAPTER VIII

LIFE AT CZARSKOI SELO


I have often been asked details about the kind of existence by the
Imperial family in the interior of their home. So long as I was in
their service I never spoke of what I saw, and in general avoided
mentioning anything connected with the family life of my masters. It
seems to me now that I am not committing an indiscretion if I do so,
because I have nothing to say but good of the unfortunate Czar and
Czarina.

They were a most affectionate couple, and to look at them and to hear
them converse with one another one could almost have believed them to
be little “bourgeois” of the type dear to French authors, rather than
powerful sovereigns. They used often to jest together, and to tease
each other in a quiet way, and both were full of fun when left to
themselves. Later on, of course, things changed, and as the political
horizon became darker and darker, the old merry laugh with which the
Emperor and his wife used to make the halls and corridors of the
Czarskoi Selo Palace echo was hushed and could be heard very seldom.
But the sense of humour of Nicholas II. and of his Consort never
deserted them, and they were inclined to look at the joyful side of
things rather than to indulge in pessimism, in all matters that did
not pertain to the administration of their vast Empire. This was the
tragic part of their life, and, being both highly conscientious people,
they suffered cruelly to find that all their efforts to ameliorate the
condition of their people were misunderstood. Of course it is idle
to deny that the weakness of character of the Emperor was greatly to
blame in the series of disasters which finally overpowered him and
his family, but it must also be acknowledged that he never met with
any sincere and disinterested help in the responsibilities of his
arduous task. During the first years of her marriage the Empress kept,
or rather was kept, aloof from everything connected with politics,
which was a great pity, because at that time she might have made
herself useful in many ways. But all the ministers and the advisers
of Nicholas II. were of opinion that his wife had to be relegated to
a subordinate position, and he himself had no desire to initiate her
into the complicated details connected with the government of Russia.
It was only after she had given birth to an heir that the position
of Alexandra Feodorovna became an important one, and that she was
consulted by her husband. By that time the reputation for weakness of
character of the Emperor had become an established fact, and those who
hitherto had ruled him, furious at finding themselves evicted, started
the report that the Empress was abusing her influence over the Czar,
and obliging him to conform himself to her own political views, which
were supposed to be entirely German.

So far as I have been able to judge, this was an error, at least in
some details. The Czarina was very fond of the land of her birth,
this cannot be denied, but she was too affectionate a mother not to
see that it would have been impossible to carry on a purely German
policy in Russia, and the thing to which she clung the most was her
throne and the possibility of seeing her own son occupy it in time. She
was ambitious for him as well as for herself, and though this may be
deplored, yet there is nothing astonishing in the fact.

She did not care for St. Petersburg and the luxury of her apartments
in the Winter Palace, and after the Japanese war and the Revolution she
persuaded the Czar to give up residing there and to make his permanent
home at Czarskoi Selo, or in Livadia in the Crimea. They used to come
sometimes to the capital for some military festivity or other, but
their sojourn there was always of short duration, and never extended
beyond a few hours. The only time they resided in it again, and this
only for three days, was on the occasion of the celebration of the
jubilee of three hundred years of the accession of the Romanoff dynasty
to the throne of Russia. After they left it then, they were never more
to sleep under its roof, though their rooms were always kept ready for
them. Sometimes the Empress stopped there for a cup of tea, when on
one of her rare visits to St. Petersburg, to inspect some charitable
institution, but she never liked them, though she had furnished them
with such care and she never felt at home in those immense halls
which could not be made homely or comfortable, in the sense generally
attached to this word.

At Czarskoi Selo existence ran very smoothly. The Empress rose early
and, after partaking of a cup of tea in bed, threw a dressing gown
over her shoulders, and repaired to her children’s rooms. She was
always present when they said their prayers, and she used to read to
them a chapter of the Bible, or the Gospel for the day. It was only
after the performance of this duty that she began her own toilet, which
was always an elaborate affair, and this to the last day of my stay
with her, even after she had discarded most of her ornaments and fine
gowns and assumed the garb of the sister of charity she declared she
had become. But she was particular in the care she used to take of
her own person and would spend a longer time than any one else would
have done in her bath and in the general occupation of her dressing
and undressing. After her hair had been arranged and she had assumed
the gown she chose out of the three or four which were brought for her
inspection, she would go to the small apartment where breakfast was
served, and where her children were generally already awaiting her. A
servant would then inform the Emperor that his wife was in the dining
room, and he would join her there almost immediately. The meal never
began without him, and was a simple though an abundant one. Eggs, cold
meat, and a variety of cakes and biscuits with hot rolls, generally
composed it. Nicholas II. was a gourmet, and though he cared most for
Russian cooking, yet he insisted on everything that was served him
being of the very best. Lunch was the meal of which he partook most
freely, and it consisted always of some five or six courses, beginning
with caviar and other relishes, and ending with fresh fruit, no matter
what the season of the year might be, and very strong coffee. The Czar
was a most sober man in his family circle, contrary to what has been
said of him, and his only drink was Crimean wine from his own vintages,
which was very good indeed. Sometimes, when he went to supper at the
mess of his former regiment of Hussars, of which he had remained very
fond, he partook freely of champagne, which started the legend that
he was an inordinate drunkard, but these occasions were rare, and
certainly never gave rise to any outward manifestation on his part
which might have accredited this malicious report. Strong drinks never
appeared on the Imperial table. Nicholas II. drank a small glass of
vodka before his meals, as every Russian does, but this was all. As
for the Empress, she seldom touched anything but mineral water, and
the children were brought up on strictly abstemious lines. During
dinner, which was served at eight o’clock, Madeira and sherry appeared,
also red and white wine, but this was for the benefit of the guests
invited. There were always some at this meal, but these comprised the
ladies in waiting on the Empress, and the personal attendants on the
Emperor, rarely any one else. Sometimes a military band played some of
the Czarina’s favourite airs, when she would listen with attention, but
this seldom occurred except on Sundays. The dinner was an elaborate
affair, composed principally of Russian dishes, for Nicholas II.
disliked French sauces and French menus, and used to say that what he
preferred was plain and excellent Russian fare. The kind of fish called
Sterlet was a favourite of his, also a pudding which went by the name
of Gourieswkaya Kacha, or gruel, and which was really very good. The
Empress was absolutely indifferent to what she ate or drank, and would
have been perfectly satisfied to exist on oatmeal and eggs. The only
thing she was particular about was her tea, which she wanted to be made
very strong, and the brand she preferred was one in which green tea was
mixed with black; she utterly repudiated Indian or Ceylon tea, giving
her preference to Chinese caravan.

As the Imperial children grew up, their mother adopted the custom of
spending most of her time with them when the state of her health so
allowed. She had always been very delicate, and developed violent
nervous headaches which totally prostrated her and confined her to her
bed in a dark room, sometimes for two or three days at a time. These
attacks left her terribly weak, and she would require care and quiet
to get over them. Sometimes another attack would overpower her before
the effects of the first one had passed away. This was the origin of
the rumour that she was an unnatural mother who for days did not allow
her daughters to approach her. Nothing of the kind ever took place, but
when my poor mistress was laid up her sufferings were so intense that
sometimes the sound of a footstep in the next room would add to the
agony which she endured, and of course she had to be left alone at such
periods. But the world, always cruel and unjust in regard to her, would
have it that she confined herself in her apartments because she could
not bear her children, and it pitied them in consequence.

But when she was in good health, the Czarina gave up every minute of
her time to her family. She took upon herself the religious instruction
of her son and daughters, and she tried to rear them in the strong
principles which she herself professed. Both the Czar and herself
observed with extreme punctuality the rites of the Greek Orthodox
Church. During the whole six weeks of Lent, no meat appeared on the
Imperial table, and at festivals as well as on Sundays, the whole
family attended all the morning and afternoon services which were
celebrated in the chapel of the Palace. Afterwards the Empress built a
church in Czarskoi Selo, which became one of the most beautiful shrines
in the whole of Russia, and she regularly went to it, forsaking the
private chapel of her own residence. She had arranged for herself an
oratory in one corner of the building, from which she could, unseen
herself, follow the religious services. This eccentricity, which
proceeded from the fact that the Czarina did not care to be the object
of the attention of the congregation, was also made the cause of
violent and unseemly attacks upon her person and character.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

THE EX-CZARINA OF RUSSIA AND HER FOUR DAUGHTERS]

When the state of her health allowed her to do so, Alexandra Feodorovna
went for long walks in the park surrounding the Palace, with the
Emperor and her children. She was inordinately fond of the open air,
and was never so happy as in the Crimea, where she could indulge in
her taste for it. There she spent hours arranging her rose garden and
generally beautifying this lovely place, to which she hoped she would
one day be able to retire. It is not generally known, but a fact, that
both the Emperor and herself nursed the idea of abdicating in favour
of their son as soon as the latter should be old enough to assume the
government of the country, and of retiring to Livadia for the rest of
their days. Neither Nicholas II. nor his Consort ever dreamt that this
abdication would be imposed upon them by events the magnitude of which
no one in the whole of Russia could have been able to foresee.

Very few visitors ever came to enliven the solitude of Czarskoi Selo,
but at Livadia the Empress would make a point of inviting to dinner and
to small dances given for her daughters, all the people living in the
neighbourhood, or staying in the various hotels on the Crimean coast,
who had been presented to her. The officers of the Imperial yacht, the
_Standard_, were also bidden to these parties, and they were almost the
only persons with whom the Empress ever conversed freely. She was very
fond of the sea, and during the cruises which she took every summer in
the Finnish waters she grew to know by name all the crew of the vessel
on which she found herself, and she took pleasure in talking with the
officers and men, the former of whom were afterwards always welcomed by
her wherever she was.

But in general she did not care for society. Her Mistress of the Robes
was about the only woman admitted to her intimacy as long the post was
occupied by the Princess Galitzyne, but after the death of the latter
and the appointment of Madame Narischkine, the relations of the Empress
with the head of her household became purely formal, and the only real
confidante she possessed during the last six or seven years which
preceded the war and the Revolution was a woman who was destined to do
her an infinity of harm and whom she would have done much better to
have kept at arm’s length—the too famous Madame Wyroubieva, about whom
I shall have something to say later on.




CHAPTER IX

THE COURT AND ATTENDANTS OF THE CZARINA


When the Empress married, her household was formed in a hurry, which
was a great pity, because it was not composed entirely of the best
people from an intellectual point of view. The Empress Dowager was
so absorbed by her grief that she could not give to the subject the
attention she otherwise would have done. The Emperor, on the other
hand, knew very little about St. Petersburg society, and especially
about its gossip. When the name of the Princess Galitzyne was mentioned
to him as that of the best lady for the difficult position of Mistress
of the Robes, and chief adviser of his young wife, he accepted it as a
matter of course, having only in mind the great name and the prominent
position of the Princess.

She was a woman with a past in which had figured most of the _jeunesse
dorée_ of St. Petersburg. She had been married when quite a girl to a
man much older than herself, and had very rapidly found a number of
people willing to console her for the great difference of age which
existed between her and her spouse. He had made her an indulgent
husband, and by reason of his great standing, riches, and other worldly
advantages, had constantly sheltered her from the evil effects of the
gossip which was but too often busy with her name. When she had become
a widow, she had mourned him quite sincerely, but had pretended a grief
greater than she had really experienced. It was discovered that he had
left his business affairs in an entangled condition, and the Princess
had retired to her country estates, to try to bring some kind of order
into their management. She had an only daughter, already married, who
became the object of her greatest care and affection. When the post of
chief adviser to the young bride of Nicholas II. was offered to her by
one of her former admirers, Baron Fredericks, then already Minister of
the Imperial Household, she had snatched at the chance with alacrity,
seeing in it a possibility of re-establishing, quicker than by a strict
economy, her shattered finances.

She was a haughty, selfish, self-centred woman who soon made for
herself numerous enemies, thanks to the offhand manner with which
she treated all those with whom she found herself thrown in contact.
She never applied herself to the task of teaching her young mistress
the difficult lesson of trying to make herself popular, but on the
contrary tried to inspire within her the same prejudices in regard to
the people she disliked that she herself entertained. She was about the
worst adviser a newly married Sovereign could have had, and one can
only wonder why this fact was not recognised earlier than it was; for
it ultimately became a question as to who was the more disliked, the
Empress or her Mistress of the Robes.

The Princess Galitzyne, nevertheless, soon became a power at Court.
She contrived to obtain large grants of money which the successive
ministers of finance who took over the succession of Count Witte, were
but too happy to arrange for her, in return for her protection. She
was greedy and avaricious, cruel and cold hearted, and utterly devoid
of scruples. In the Palace she was heartily disliked, yet no one dared
to say a word against her, because it was well known that eventually
she could become a terrible enemy of those of whom she thought she had
reason to complain.

The Princess died a year or two before the great war, and for some
time her place remained empty, until at last it was offered to Madame
Narischkine, an intimate friend of the Empress Dowager, and one of the
most respected women in St. Petersburg society.

Madame Narischkine was quite a different woman from her predecessor.
She was kind, polite, amiable, and highly principled, as well as
conscientious. She would never have hurt a fly, and she had always
applied herself to smooth the path in life of all the people in whom
she had happened to be interested.

Unfortunately she was not sympathetic with the Empress Alexandra,
and the latter could never bring herself to treat her with the same
familiarity as she had done the Princess Galitzyne. Then Madame
Narischkine objected to Rasputin, and of course this was sufficient to
prevent her being a persona grata. The Grand Duchess Elizabeth also
did not care for her; perhaps because she felt that the new Mistress
of the Robes had never quite approved of her. Madame Narischkine was a
very discreet woman, but at the same time she could very well convey
to persons whom she did not think fit to be upon terms of intimacy
with her what she thought of them. The Empress never took to her,
which was a great pity, and sometimes treated her with great rudeness
and with an astonishing lack of consideration. But in spite of these
difficulties with which her path was beset, Madame Narischkine behaved
magnificently when the hour of danger sounded. When the Revolution
broke out, she immediately repaired to Czarskoi Selo and never left
the Empress through those days of sorrow and anxiety which saw the
latter taken prisoner in her own palace. She volunteered, in spite of
her advanced age (she is over seventy) to accompany her mistress into
exile, but the request was declined by the provisional government, and
Madame Narischkine had perforce to submit, but she was the last one to
bid good-bye to the Empress and to the young Grand Duchesses before
they entered the train which was to carry them away to the solitudes of
Siberia. It is likely that if Madame Narischkine had, from the outset,
been with the Czarina, many of the mistakes committed by the latter
would have been avoided. As it was she followed the advice given her
by the Princess Galitzyne, and this was never wise advice, because
the Princess, who was a born flatterer, was most careful never to
say to Alexandra Feodorovna anything which she knew or feared might
displease her. Under her guidance the unfortunate Empress had not a
chance to succeed in winning the affections of her subjects. Besides
the Princess, there were four maids of honour attached to the person
of the young Czarina. The first was the Countess Lamsdorff, with whom
the Sovereign could not get on and to whom she took a violent dislike.
Then came the Princess Bariatinsky, who also resigned her functions
with a certain amount of “fracas,” and who made no mystery of the fact
that she could not stand the lack of consideration with which she was
being treated. A Caucasian lady, the Princess Orbeliani, took her
place, and succeeded in retaining her difficult position until her
death. Then there was a Princess Obolensky, who had much unpleasantness
to bear, but who accepted everything with wonderful patience, thanks,
it was said, to her attachment to the young Grand Duchesses, the
daughters of Nicholas II. She is still with the Imperial family, and
has accompanied them to Tobolsk, in spite of the opposition of her
family, who would have liked her to leave the Empress. There was also
another personage in the household who held there quite a privileged
situation; this was Mademoiselle Schneider, whose duties consisted in
reading to the Czarina, and who was the only attendant she had brought
over with her from Darmstadt. Mademoiselle Schneider could enter the
apartments of her mistress whenever she liked. She was the medium
through whom Alexandra Feodorovna communicated with her relatives in
Germany, to whom she always felt afraid to write by post, and she was
also the one and only person with whom the Empress spoke German. We
all liked her, because she was a quiet, unassuming person; but I shall
not take it upon myself to say whether or not she gave to the German
government information it would have been better to have withheld. Then
again there was a private secretary, whose business it was to attend
to the correspondence of the Empress, and who used to make reports
to her every morning. The post was first filled by Count Lamsdorff,
then by Count Rostavtsoff, and neither of these gentlemen was quite up
to the task. They did not know how to interest the Czarina in their
work, which they accomplished in a methodical manner devoid of any
initiative. Among their duties was the administration of Alexandra’s
private purse and the control of her charities until the time when she
assumed it herself at the period of the Japanese war. It was part of
the privileges of the private secretary to pay out the bills of the
Empress or at least to give out their amount to the head maid, that is,
to myself. Count Lamsdorff paid whatever I asked, without the slightest
demur, but his successor used to ask for explanations, and to make
his comments, which sometimes was most annoying. The private accounts
of the Czarina were settled on the 22nd day of every month, when the
expenses of the thirty preceding days had to be balanced and adjusted.
She was most particular about this, and hated being in debt to any one.
But at the same time she absolutely ignored the meaning of the word
economy, bought and ordered whatever she liked without a thought as
to how her expenses were to be met, and more than once I have had to
appeal, unknown to her, to the Czar, and to ask him to give orders to
settle his wife’s bills without her being worried about the matter.

Every spring and autumn the coming fashions were brought to the
Empress, so that she might make her choice. She usually had about
fifty dresses for each season, as I have had already occasion to
explain, but whenever any unlooked for event occurred she would order
special gowns to meet it. Her hats were generally made by Bertrand, a
French firm in St. Petersburg; she ordered about twenty-five or thirty
for the summer season and several fur toques for the winter. She liked
white hats, which she often wore, and for a long time remained faithful
to the small bonnets affected by Queen Alexandra of England in her
youth. Later on she took to large hats, which were generally trimmed
profusely with ostrich feathers. About these feathers the Empress was
most fussy. The St. Petersburg climate is so very damp that it is
almost next to impossible to keep feathers curled in summer, especially
in Peterhof, on the Baltic shore, where the Court, as a rule, spent
July and August. We had, therefore, to have the trimmings of the
Empress’s hats seen to every day, and messengers used to go daily to
St. Petersburg to carry to Madame Bertrand the different millinery as
well as the feather boas of Alexandra Feodorovna to be freshened and
rearranged.

As a rule, the Czarina used to spend something like ten thousand
roubles a month on her toilet, and sometimes even more than that.
She was extravagant,—there is no doubt about it,—but then she was
the Empress of Russia, and considered it part of her duties to appear
magnificently attired. The Emperor, too, liked to see her well dressed,
and especially richly dressed. The latter was easy, but the former more
difficult, because of the peculiar ideas of my Imperial mistress in
regard to her clothes.

When her household was organised she was given eight maids to attend
upon her, of whom there were to be always two on duty during the
day, and two during the night, when they had to sit in a room in the
near vicinity of the Imperial bedchamber, ready to be called in case
of emergency. In the usual order of things they would have had to
dress the Czarina’s hair morning and evening, but the latter hated
to have different hands perform this task, so she arranged to have a
hairdresser come each day to arrange her coiffure, which was never
very elaborate except upon official occasions, when a diadem had to be
fixed in her hair. I was always present when she dressed and undressed.
It was part of my business to see that everything connected with her
toilet was in order and that nothing she required was missing. She
never twice wore the same pair of gloves, but liked old shoes and
slippers. As for her stockings they were of the finest silk, and
manufactured specially for her by the firm of Swears and Wells in
London.

This system of having eight maids was continued for about ten years or
so, then one of them died, and another one asked to be relieved from
her duties, and they were never replaced. The Czarina thought that it
was quite sufficient for her to have six attendants, and she abolished
the night waiting, which had always been so irksome to the people
concerned in it. She used to dismiss her maids at eleven o’clock and
then retire to her bedroom, where she read or worked alone, but did
not require any more attendance, except in case she felt ill or one
of her children was indisposed. She was exacting, but never unjust or
cruel, and she hated to be the cause of inconvenience to other people.
At first she had never dared to alter anything in the customs of the
Russian Court, but later on she asserted herself and made many changes
in the interior arrangements of the Palace, all of which were practical
and tended to the amelioration of the condition of her numerous
servants, who nevertheless did not show themselves grateful to her for
her anxiety about their welfare, and who in the hour of her misfortune
mostly abandoned her, or turned with alacrity against her.




CHAPTER X

THE CZARINA AND ST. PETERSBURG SOCIETY


At the time of her marriage St. Petersburg society was well disposed
toward my unfortunate mistress, and it would have been easy for her
to have made herself popular. Unfortunately she had, as I have said,
a sarcastic tongue, and made no secret of her likes and dislikes;
nor did she hesitate to ridicule certain customs to which old and
important dowagers clung with persistency. She always feared to be
thought too familiar, owing to the fact that the Imperial family, from
the very first day of her arrival in Russia, had drilled into her
ears the caution that St. Petersburg was not Darmstadt, and that the
free and easy manners of a little German town would be out of place
at the Court of the mighty Czar of All the Russias. She had therefore
fallen into the other extreme, and disciplined herself to be as stiff
as possible. The Empress Marie had been in the habit of receiving in
her own private boudoir the ladies who craved an audience from her,
and of asking them to sit beside her. Her daughter-in-law made it a
point to give her audience standing, and to converse for a few minutes
without ever offering a chair to the old women who had applied for the
honour of an introduction to her. She coldly extended to them her hand
to kiss, which further incensed them, and her natural shyness, added
to this stiff reception, of course made her many enemies. She began
to be criticized, and that in no friendly spirit. Unfortunately she
became aware of this, and it set her from the very first against the
people she ought to have tried to make her friends. Then gossip, and
that mostly ill natured, too, did its work, and all kinds of anecdotes
were put into circulation concerning the want of kindness of the
young Empress. She was accused of being sarcastic and of making fun
of old people whom age and past service ought to have preserved from
the ridicule she was supposed to shower upon them. Then, again, the
Czarina had the imprudence to express in public her disgust at what she
called the loose manners of St. Petersburg society. She tried to become
acquainted with all the gossip going about town, and declared that she
was going to reform the morals of her empire, proceeding by striking
off the list of invitations for a Court ball the names of all the women
supposed rightly or wrongly to have had a flirtation of some kind. The
result was that hardly any ladies appeared at this particular ball,
with the exception of mothers with girls to bring out, and the whole
of St. Petersburg rose up in arms against its Empress. It was decided
to boycott her, which was done, and the Empress Mother was asked to
interfere and to explain to her daughter-in-law that it was not her
business to brand with any kind of stigma the names of ladies in regard
to whom no open scandal had ever taken place. The incident assumed
such proportions that the Czar was asked to interfere, and he decided
that in future the list of invitations for Court festivities was to be
submitted to his mother and not to his wife, who was still too great a
stranger in Russia to know who ought or ought not to be invited to the
Winter Palace.

As may be imagined, the little incident I have just narrated did
not tend to improve the relations between the young Czarina and
the Dowager, and the former’s popularity suffered from it to a
considerable extent. On the New Year following upon this memorable
tempest in a tea-cup, St. Petersburg ladies made up their minds not to
put in an appearance at the great reception which followed upon divine
service in the Winter Palace, a reception during which Court society
offered its New Year’s wishes to the sovereigns. So about four of
them, who by virtue of the official position of their husbands could
not absent themselves, were the only ones who attended the function.
This absence, _en masse_, could not but be noticed, and of course the
Czarina was offended. But she was powerless to retort otherwise than
passively, which she did by avoiding in the future showing herself in
public, also by discontinuing her audiences and even the ball which had
been considered as an indispensable feature of every winter season in
the Russian capital. This manner of manifesting her displeasure only
added to the bitterness of the feelings which she had inspired, as was
to be expected, and soon fashionable ladies deserted St. Petersburg for
the Riviera or Paris, where they felt happier and more at their ease
than in their own country. One after another the big houses, which used
to rival the Court itself by the splendour of their entertainments,
closed their doors, and the “Palmyra of the North,” as the capital of
the Czars used to be called, became one of the dullest cities in the
whole world.

There were people who attempted to remonstrate with my mistress for
this retirement in which she persisted in living. She was told that it
would be relatively easy for her to regain some of her lost popularity
if she would only allow people to eat, drink, and be merry in her
presence. Alexander III., too, had hated society, and preferred his
beloved Gatschina to all his other residences, but he had fulfilled the
social duties he was expected to fulfill, and during his reign there
had not existed in the whole of Europe a more brilliant Court than that
of Russia. His daughter-in-law was advised to follow his example in
this respect. But she would not do so.

I remember that one day whilst we were discussing the question of what
kind of new clothes she would want for the coming winter, I remarked
that she ought to order more evening dresses than she had done. The
Empress interrupted me with the remark that she did not mean to have
any more, because there would be no necessity for her to have them. I
then observed that it would be a great disappointment to the many young
girls about to make their appearance in society for the first time if
no Court balls were given. Alexandra Feodorovna got quite angry, and,
getting up with impatience, exclaimed, “I cannot understand why it
is expected of me to amuse all the silly children their parents are
bringing out.”

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

GROUNDS OF THE IMPERIAL PALACE AT TZARSKOIÉ SÉLO]

Happily for her no one was present when she gave way to this fit of
temper, but one may imagine how it would have been commented upon by
any of her numerous enemies had they chanced to overhear it. This state
of antagonism (for it can hardly be called by any other name) which
existed between Alexandra Feodorovna and the smart set of her capital
was not extended to other places. In the Crimea she liked to have
people about her, as I have already related, and she even gave dances
for her daughters. But though the Grand Duchess Olga had attained her
eighteenth year during the winter which preceded the outbreak of the
great war, her mother did not attempt to invite any one to the Palace
of Czarskoi Selo to amuse her. The Empress Dowager had to arrange some
entertainments in her own Anitschkoff Palace for her granddaughter’s
benefit, but each time they were invited to attend them there was an
explosion of grief on the part of their mother which completely spoilt
their pleasure. The Czarina had a morbid fear of the sharp tongues
of the ladies of the capital, and she was always expecting that her
daughters would be subjected to the same kind of criticism which had
been applied so liberally to her own self. This she wished to guard
them against. The idea was a mistaken one, because everybody admired
and liked the graceful girls, who had always an amiable word for those
they met, and who seemed so happy and so delighted whenever they had an
opportunity of enjoying themselves like all other girls of their age.

The only person who at one time was in possession of the confidence
of the Czarina to a limited degree, the Grand Duchess Anastasia, wife
of the Grand Duke Nicholas, tried, without success, to get her to
look upon people with more indulgence, and not in such a morbid way.
My mistress would not hear reason, and at last declared that it was
useless to be an Empress of Russia if one could not do what one liked,
and that all she craved was the privilege to be left alone and allowed
to enjoy, unrestrained, her taste for solitude.

In that respect the Empress was certainly not quite normal, and at
times she most undoubtedly suffered from what is called the mania of
persecution. People abroad have attributed this abnormal condition of
hers to the dread of revolution, the spectre of which was supposed to
haunt her constantly. This, however, was not at all the case, because
long before any one had an idea that revolution might break out, my
mistress was already affected by that strange fear of seeing strangers
approach her. The fact is that she had become morbid, thanks to the
latent dislike which she knew but too well was felt in regard to her,
and which worried her to the extent that she felt disgusted with the
world in general and had come to the conclusion that it was not worth
while to try to conciliate it, but that the best thing to do was to
avoid seeing too much of it.

People have spoken at length of her tastes for occultism and spiritism,
and said that she looked for consolation for imaginary woes to the
practices of turning tables and other rubbish of the same kind.
Unfortunately this was true to a certain extent, because it is a sad
fact that the Empress liked to sit at tables for hours in the hope
that they would begin turning, and she firmly believed that people
could come back from the other world and manifest themselves to their
friends. But what is not so generally known is that it was the Grand
Duke Nicholas, the future generalissimo of the Russian armies, who
first set her to do so. He it was who brought to the Palace of Czarskoi
Selo a man called Philippe, who professed to be a powerful medium, and
who certainly inspired the Czarina with great confidence. For a year or
two he remained in favour, then was dismissed quite suddenly because he
had been found out by accident, but so completely that even Alexandra
Feodorovna could not defend him.

Some people have said that it was not without malicious intention that
the Grand Duke Nicholas introduced this dangerous person to Czarskoi
Selo. It has been reported that he wanted to bring about a scandal to
the effect that the Empress should be declared, if not quite insane,
at least afflicted with melancholia, and put under restraint. She was
already at that time suspected of German leanings and sympathies, and
supposed to influence her husband in favour of Germany and a German
alliance. The Grand Duke Nicholas was a strong partisan of a close
union with France, and of course he considered that my poor mistress
was an obstacle to his views, so he would have been delighted had any
circumstance arisen which would have put her aside. Certainly he was
the means through which the Empress acquired her strange tastes for
all things connected with occultism, and he was also the first person
to draw the attention of the public and of the Imperial family to this
peculiarity, and to insist on the dangers which it presented. The fact
was that the Czarina was the only obstacle which the Grand Dukes and
their party encountered in the realisation of their plans to take under
their protection and to keep in their power the weak-minded Nicholas
II., who, it was known but too well, always adopted the opinion of
the last person who spoke with him, and was incapable of making any
decision of his own accord. The Empress, thanks to the fact that she
was always with him, had the best chance to make herself heard and
listened to, and consequently she represented a formidable danger
to the ambitions of those haughty Romanoffs who aspired, if not to
dethrone, at least to keep in their own hands this feeble nephew, so
devoid of initiative.

During the last two or three years which preceded the war, these
different intrigues had assumed quite a dangerous character, and when
the Rasputin incident occurred, they only grew in intensity. The
Empress became the one great enemy, to the destruction of whom many
applied themselves with the more energy that she began to do what she
had carefully avoided before—to interest herself in politics, and
to study them carefully, in view to being able to advise her husband
amidst the growing difficulties of the international political position
in general. The Grand Duke Nicholas, who headed the faction having for
aim the removal of Alexandra Feodorovna, spared no means to destroy her
influence, and to ruin her reputation as a Sovereign and as a woman. He
partly succeeded, as we have seen, but at the same time he contributed
to the fall of his own dynasty, and to the ruin of his country. It is a
sad but certain fact that the Russian Imperial family never understood
the meaning of the word “solidarity,” and perhaps it is thanks to this
defect of theirs that the head of the House of Romanoff has been sent
into exile and his race deprived of the throne which Peter the Great
and Catherine II. had so gloriously occupied.




CHAPTER XI

THE CZARINA AND HER MOTHER-IN-LAW


I have heard that many different tales have been circulated concerning
the relations of my mistress with the Dowager Empress. It is useless
to pretend that they were pleasant, but, on the other hand, neither of
the two ladies gave vent to open manifestations of hostility, whatever
they may have thought in the interior of their hearts. During the
first months following the marriage of the Czar things went smoothly,
because it was impossible to show more deference to any one than
Alexandra Feodorovna displayed in regard to her mother-in-law. But the
latter was still too young to care to be suddenly called upon to play
second fiddle, and she missed the power which she had exercised over
Alexander III., who used to consult her in regard to everything he did.
She had had enormous influence over him, and, if the truth be told,
over the whole course of affairs in Russia, but she had exercised it
with such tact, and so secretly, that it had never been suspected; on
the contrary, the Empress had been described as a frivolous woman who
cared only for dress, dances and parties. In regard to the Consort of
Nicholas II. things were very different. She arrived in Russia with the
reputation of being a clever woman, with strong opinions, and of course
found the public prepared either to accept them or else to start up
opposition against her. German princesses were not liked, and it had
been hoped that the heir to the throne would avoid choosing a wife in a
German court. The Dowager Empress was Danish by birth, a fact that had
contributed most certainly to the great popularity she had immediately
acquired. There was a powerful party behind her, quite ready to back
her up against her daughter-in-law, and, unfortunately, the latter was
apprised of it, which had the effect of setting her against any advice
she received from quarters which she suspected of intriguing against
her. As I have said before, if the Emperor and his young bride had
been able from the beginning to set up an establishment of their own,
perhaps things would not have fared so badly, and I have often wondered
why this was not done. With the immense Winter Palace standing
empty, or almost so, it would not have been difficult to arrange
some apartments for the newly married pair, until those they were to
occupy definitely had been got ready. There were the rooms which had
been occupied by the Empress Marie Alexandrovna, which, with small
expense, might have been made habitable in a few days. They at least
would have made a fitting establishment for a Sovereign, whilst the
two small closets (for they can hardly be called anything else) which
were assigned to Nicholas II. and his wife in the ground floor of the
Anitschkoff Palace, were so inappropriate, so ugly and so uncomfortable
that it is no wonder the latter felt depressed the whole time she was
compelled to occupy them. Then, as I have said, the servants gossiped,
and repeated to the Dowager Empress everything that her daughter-in-law
was doing, a fact of which the latter became aware through remarks
made to her by the elder lady, and the result was most disastrous. The
arrival of the children, whose advent obliged Alexandra Feodorovna to
set up a nursery, which she tried to model after those she had seen in
England, did not improve conditions that already had become strained,
because, as one daughter after another appeared, Marie Feodorovna
grew to think that her daughter-in-law would never give an heir to the
throne and to look up towards her second son Michael as the future
Emperor. This was gall and wormwood to my mistress, who often lamented
the fact, and, when she had taken me into her confidence, complained of
the want of consideration with which her mother-in-law made her feel
that she was a nobody and had not fulfilled the duty which was expected
of her, that of providing future Emperors for Russia. Other reasons
also contrived to add to this state of latent irritation which had
established itself in the bosom of the Imperial family. There was the
question of the crown jewels; of the order in which the names of the
two Empresses were to be introduced into the church liturgy; and many
others, small and great. The Dowager was far too tactful to complain
about the domestic relations of her son, but she contrived to let
people guess her sentiments on the subject, and took to spending more
and more of her time in Denmark, which after all was perhaps the best
thing she could have done.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

GRAND DUKE MICHAEL]

The Japanese war, however, brought her back to Russia, and it was
during its course that there happened the one great event in the
life of Alexandra Feodorovna—the birth of her only son.

Great were the rejoicings when this small boy made his appearance in
a world which was not to prove too kind to him, as we all know. His
advent, however, disturbed the equanimity of several people, whilst
it raised the hopes of others. For one thing, the Grand Duke Michael,
the only brother of the Czar, lost all the importance with which he
had been endowed in the eyes of the public as the eventual heir to
the Russian throne. It also took away some of that of his mother,
who was supposed to exercise considerable control over him, and of
course the feelings of the latter on the subject were very much mixed,
because though on the one hand she could not but rejoice at seeing the
succession secured in the direct line, yet, on the other hand, she had
accustomed herself, as had many others, to the idea that her eldest
son would never become father to a boy, and it required a certain time
before she could get accustomed to the changes which the birth of the
little Alexis had brought about.

Furthermore, the young Empress, feeling at last secure of her own
position, began to assert herself far more than she had ever done
before, and she tried to win for herself partisans. Unfortunately she
looked for them among people who turned out afterwards to be her worst
foes, and the liberty which she imagined she had acquired to live her
own life without any regard to the trammels of etiquette or other
consideration, transformed the dislike she had hitherto inspired into
something very much akin to hatred.

Her boy proved a delicate child, and when the fact became known it
awakened the hopes of the party antagonistic to Alexandra and raised
those of the people attached to the fortunes of the Grand Duke Michael.
His sister-in-law, when she found this out (and there were but too
many people eager to inform her of it), grew in her turn to dislike
the Grand Duke, and to think how she could get rid of him. According
to the family statute of the Romanoffs, he would have been Regent of
the Empire in case the Czar had died before his heir had reached his
majority, and the Empress, in that case, would have been more or less
subjected to him and to any commands he would have deemed it necessary
to issue to her. Most likely the first thing he would have done would
have been to deprive her of the custody of her son and to surround
the latter with men of his own choice. The very thought of such a
contingency made Alexandra Feodorovna wild, so when the Grand Duke
contracted the morganatic marriage which brought upon him the wrath of
his brother she seized upon the occasion to try to get rid once and
forever of a personage whom she considered her worst enemy.

If the truth be told, poor Michael had never been her enemy, however
much he may have disapproved of some of her actions. The only thing
he asked was to be left alone with the wife whom he had chosen and
married against the opposition of the whole world and of his entire
family, beginning with his mother. She was a lady by birth, the wife
of one of his brother officers in a Cuirassier regiment quartered at
Gatchina. The Grand Duke had become attracted by her principally on
account of her sympathetic appearance and the patience with which she
had listened to the tale of his affection for one of his sister Olga’s
maids of honour with whom he had been passionately in love and whom he
had wished to marry. The romance was quickly nipped in the bud by the
interference of the Dowager Empress and the young lady packed away
abroad with strict injunctions not to return to Russia until further
notice. The Grand Duke had been very unhappy, but had submitted, and
poured the story of his wrongs into the ears of Madame Wulfert. The
latter was a charming woman, but she had had a first husband, from whom
she had been divorced before marrying her present one. This alone would
have made her undesirable as a wife for the only brother of the Czar,
and when her union with Captain Wulfert was also dissolved, thanks to
the relations which had established themselves between her and the
young Grand Duke, this undesirableness was still further accentuated.
But she had given birth to a son, and was moreover a person of
considerable attraction and of unusual cleverness. Michael found out
that he could not live without her, and married her in Vienna, without
asking any one’s permission to do so, thereby bringing upon his head
the wrath of all his relatives.

The Emperor, however, would have felt inclined to let the whole
matter pass, or at least to make as if he ignored it. But neither
his mother nor his wife would hear of it. The former wished some
kind of punishment to be inflicted on her rebellious son, and the
latter decided that this punishment should be a most rigorous one. She
prevailed upon the weak-minded Czar to put his brother under restraint
and to make him what is called in England a ward in chancery, assuming
himself his guardianship and depriving him of the management of the
large fortune he had inherited from the Czar Alexander III. This made
him of course ineligible as a Regent should the Emperor die, and that
was what the Czarina was aiming at. Of course she was wrong, and
respectful as I was towards her, I could not help one evening, when
she had broached the subject of her own accord, telling her that I
thought she had made a great mistake in taking such a decided part in
the chastisement of her brother-in-law, and that it would have been
more politic on her part to keep outside the matter and to allow it to
be settled between the Czar and the Dowager Empress, who, after all,
were the only persons concerned in it. My mistress listened in silence
to my words, then suddenly exclaimed with unusual violence: “I had to
do it; I had to do it; he wanted to part me from my son; he had to
be put out of the way!” There was nothing to reply to this outburst,
but I could not help regretting that the Empress had allowed herself
to be influenced by false reports, and that her common sense had not
prevailed and stopped her from compromising herself so openly in this
matter. My forebodings, alas, turned out to have been true ones,
because the first person who was furious with the Czarina for the part
she had played in this whole story was the Empress Dowager, who had not
wished things to go so far, and who guessed at once the real reasons
which had actuated her daughter-in-law. The breach between the two
ladies was in consequence considerably widened, and as my mistress grew
more and more addicted to those superstitious practices which proved
her bane, Marie Feodorovna found real grounds for criticising her, so
that it became at last a recognised fact that the worst adversary of
the Empress was her own mother-in-law.

I am sure that the latter would have felt sorry had she known to
what extent the strained relations which existed between her and her
son’s wife were talked of in public. She possessed far more sense of
dignity than Alexandra Feodorovna, and had moreover been reared in
old Imperial traditions unknown to her daughter-in-law. But she did
not like her, and on the other hand, this sense of dignity to which I
have just alluded suffered in seeing the domestic life of her child, a
child who was also her Sovereign, turned into ridicule by everybody,
and causing him to be despised even more than disliked. Finding that
the war did not allow her to go to her beloved Denmark, she finally
retired to Kieff, where the Revolution found her, and whence she went
to Livadia in the Crimea, where she still is to-day. When I think over
these things, it seems to me that all these frictions, which turned
out ultimately to have been far more important than they appeared
at first, might have been avoided, at least in part, if the young
Empress had restrained herself in the expression of her feelings. But
she was too frank, too honest, too true, to be able to play a comedy,
and diplomacy was an art utterly unknown to her. She had not been
trained in dissimulation, and she despised this atmosphere of the
Court where a curb on one’s thoughts and words was indispensable. In
certain respects she was a child, with all a child’s impulsiveness and
beautiful indifference to the judgments and appreciations of the world,
and this innocence of her mind and heart made her no match against
the intrigues that surrounded her. She had no one to love her except
her children, and a husband who was not strong enough to protect her
against attack, and whom in the bottom of her heart she must have
secretly despised, as indeed he deserved to be, because, whilst an
amiable and kind man, he was not suited for a Sovereign, and could no
more control his own conduct than he could the destiny of the nation
over which fate had set him to rule. He had absolutely no initiative
and no strength of character. No efforts of his parents or of his
tutors in his young days had been able to change his natural indolence
and readiness to accept and to endorse as his own the ideas and
opinions of every one he talked to, even if they differed diametrically
from those he had himself expressed previously.




CHAPTER XII

THE CZARINA’S DAILY OCCUPATIONS


I have often been asked what the Czarina used to do with her days and
whether it was true that she spent them in absolute idleness. And
just as often I have wondered what could have given rise to such an
opinion. The Empress was, on the contrary, one of those industrious
women whose hands are never at rest, and who require to be always
occupied in some way or another, either mentally or with some manual
work which keeps their attention concentrated on its intricacies. At
Darmstadt the Princesses were trained to make their own clothes and to
wait upon themselves, and one of the great pleasures of my mistress
was to embroider, cut, and make the different objects composing the
layette and the wardrobe of her children. As I have already related,
she had tried to arrange in Czarskoi Selo a Needlework Guild, but she
did not meet with any enthusiastic response to her efforts in that
direction. Nevertheless, until she left it, there was in the Palace
where she had made her home a room set apart for the use of the ladies
who used to come and work on certain days and hours on clothes for
the poor which were distributed to the indigent of Czarskoi Selo and
St. Petersburg at Christmas time. When the Japanese war occurred, a
regular working room was established in the Winter Palace and never
closed, because it became the centre of the Empress’s activity in the
way of making garments for the poor. No Sovereign had ever thought of
anything of the kind in Russia, and of course the action of Alexandra
Feodorovna in that respect was discussed far and wide, and whilst many
people applauded her for the initiative she had taken, others thought
it was not dignified for a Russian Empress to cut flannels and knit
stockings, even for the poor. They would have liked her to depend for
her charities on other people, as her predecessors had done. In fact,
in this as in so many other things, she was ignoring the traditions
which governed all that went on in the Palaces of the Czars, and of
course this was resented. But the poor population of the capital learnt
to bless the Empress’s name, and for a time was grateful to her, until
the days of the first Revolution, when everything that was connected
with her became tinged with that unpopularity which had become attached
to her name.

The Empress was a great reader, but only of serious books, and
scientific ones were her favourites. She did not care for history,
which she frankly owned bored her, because she could not interest
herself in the sayings and doings of people long dead. But science
held her enthralled, and every work which was published in English,
French and German on astronomy, mathematics, and natural history was
perused by her with avidity. She admired immensely Darwin’s “Origin of
Species,” and had one day a furious battle with her Father Confessor,
who remonstrated with her for keeping such a dangerous work in her
rooms. Astronomy was also one of her hobbies, and she expounded it to
her children whenever she found an occasion or opportunity to do so.

She embroidered wonderfully, and made some church ornaments which would
easily have won a prize at any exhibition. But her great amusement
was the drawing of caricatures which she executed with an incredible
talent, having the knack of seizing the funny side of each thing or
person she tried her pencil upon. This talent, however, caused her
much annoyance, because the people whose ridiculous points she seized
upon became aware of it and were deeply offended, as a matter of
course, especially the members of the Imperial family, who, more than
any others, had the misfortune to fall under her satirical pencil.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

GRAND DUCHESS OLGA]

Had she been prudent enough not to show her sketches to friends it would
not have been so bad, but she was, on the contrary, fond of exhibiting
them, and did so without the least discrimination, with the result that
she gained for herself the reputation of being an unkind and malicious
woman, which was far from the case. The Empress tried to develop a
love for music in her children, and greatly succeeded with her eldest
daughter, the Grand Duchess Olga, who had a really wonderful talent for
the piano. She could compose wild, melodious airs, imbued with that
Russian and Slav sadness which is latent in all Northern characters.
I remember one day last May when, entering unexpectedly the apartment
where the young Grand Duchesses were sitting, I was entranced by the
playing of Olga, who seemed to put into her music all the agony and
anxiety of her soul. Things were dark then. The possibility of
seeing exchanged the prison of Czarskoi Selo for another was already
looming on the horizon, and the young and blooming girl who was to be
sent to the horrors and solitude of a terrible exile was giving vent
to her feelings in the weird accents which she gave to the music with
which she tried to ease her troubled feelings.

In spite of her taste for music, the Empress rarely went to the Opera.
She hated showing herself in the big box where etiquette compelled her
to sit, and she disliked the one that was common to all the members
of the Imperial family. So that even during the early years of her
marriage, when she used to spend a few weeks each winter in St.
Petersburg, she rarely showed herself in any theatre, not even at the
French play, which it had been almost a matter of obligation, from
times immemorial, for the sovereigns to visit every Saturday.

She had made it a point to study the Russian language, but had never
really learned to speak it, and had never divested herself of a very
strong German accent that had a harsh sound, which added to its general
unpleasantness. The Empress had not a pleasant nor a harmonious
voice, and as she was aware of the fact she tried to overcome this
disadvantage by talking in very low tones, so low indeed that sometimes
it was difficult to hear her. She would then get impatient and break
off the conversation, to the dismay of her interlocutors. During the
last years she had grown slightly deaf, which added to the difficulty.

Her inability to talk Russian naturally displeased people, but I
have always wondered why she was so sharply taken to account for it,
considering the fact that her mother-in-law had never learnt it either,
which had not prevented her from becoming popular. It was again a case
of “give a dog a bad name and hang him.”

The Empress kept up a vast correspondence with her relatives all over
Europe. In England, where she had been brought up, she had also friends
with whom she liked to exchange her impressions and thoughts, and to
her brother she wrote daily. She had a very distinct handwriting,
plain and legible, and her signature was exceptionally large. Except
in official documents she always used the name “Alix,” instead of
Alexandra, and the Emperor in the privacy of their family life called
her “Alice.” She generally occupied herself with her correspondence in
the afternoon after her daily walk with the Emperor, and as soon as
her cup of tea was brought to her at five o’clock she stopped writing,
even if she was in the midst of a letter. In that respect she was quite
extraordinary. Things had to be done at a certain hour, and if not, had
to be put off until the next day. She would not for anything in the
world have sacrificed five minutes of the time appointed for something
else to finish what she was doing at the moment.

In Czarskoi Selo she had a lovely room full of flowers where she had
her writing table, a wonderful specimen of French art of the time of
Louis XV. Next to it stood a smaller table, where she used to throw the
sheets she had just finished writing upon, until all her letters were
finished, when she would pick them up and put them in their envelopes.
This led her sometimes to mix up one letter with another, and brought
her into trouble through people getting missives which were not meant
for them. While Queen Victoria was alive the Empress wrote to her
regularly every week, but she did not much care for so doing, and used
to say that it was a duty she would rather not have had imposed upon
her. At Christmas and the New Year, she regularly sent her best wishes
to the other European sovereigns whom she knew personally.

In this room I have just described, which was hung up with light and
bright chintz, reminding one of an English room, and which contained
comfortable and at the same time costly furniture, the Empress
transacted only her private correspondence. All her official writing
was done in a small library opening out of her sitting-room, where
stood a large, ugly and practical writing table with innumerable
pigeonholes, at which she used to sit when her private secretary
presented to her his daily reports. It was at this table she made up
her accounts and attended to all her business, and it was also here
that she made out the programme for her public work, receptions, visits
to charitable institutions, and so forth. She was most orderly and
neat in her habits, and could tell at once where she had put such or
such a paper. I do not think that she could have tolerated disorder in
any shape or form around her, and she used to go through her numerous
drawers and wardrobes every month, when she expected to find every
single thing in the place where she had ordered it to be put. All
her laces, of which she had a wonderful collection, were kept in
a separate cupboard, of which I was the only person to have a key.
The Empress herself possessed a duplicate one, as she did of all her
trunks, wardrobes, and cupboards, and she clung to them like a real
German housewife, and sometimes would unexpectedly open one or the
other of these receptacles to assure herself that they were kept in
order. I remember an amusing instance of this mania. When the Empress
married, she received among her wedding presents a beautiful writing
table set in crystal and gold with her monogram and the Russian Eagle
on the top of the inkstand. For some years she always used it, until at
last one day the Emperor noticed that there was some inaccuracy in the
coat of arms of the Romanoffs which was ornamenting the blotting book,
and he instantly presented his wife with another and far handsomer
writing table set, a masterpiece of the skill of Faberge, the great
Court jeweller in St. Petersburg, which was made out of platinum and
crystal, with big turquoises as ornaments. The pen was of solid gold
and had a turquoise as a finish to the handle. Of course the Empress
hastened to put away the old set which had displeased her spouse,
and we stored it up in one of the cupboards in which were kept the
innumerable possessions of the Czarina. One day she opened the said
cupboard when no one else was present and was highly displeased to find
that some parts of this writing table set were put on a different shelf
from the others. This had been done because we had thought that it
would suit better the amount of room which we had at our disposal, but
the Empress would not enter into considerations of that kind, and gave
us a good scolding for keeping her things “in such disorder,” as she
expressed it.

Twice a year she went over her whole wardrobe, at the time when she
ordered the new dresses which she required for each season. She then
looked over the different articles in it with care, and either made a
present of the things which she thought she would not want any longer,
or sent them to her sister the Grand Duchess Elizabeth in Moscow, where
the latter disposed of them among the poor girls of the Moscow nobility
about to be married. She would be very careful to have every bit of
real lace unpicked from these dresses, and then this lace was consigned
to the cupboard set apart for that purpose, and entered in a catalogue,
which was entirely written in the Empress’s own hand.

As may be imagined, all this kept my mistress busy; and indeed there
was hardly one hour in the day when she was not occupied with one
thing or another. Her children’s wardrobes were looked after by her
with the same care that she applied to her own things. And at Czarskoi
Selo and Livadia she herself used to look over the housekeeping books
of the Imperial household, much to the dismay of the head of it, who
often complained that the Empress did not in the least understand the
intricacies of the management which she sometimes so freely criticised.
But though she frankly owned that she did not know how much an egg or a
potato cost, yet, as she declared, she liked to be aware of the price
of the potatoes which she consumed. It was an innocent mania, and would
have been considered as such if there had not existed malicious people
ready to make fun of it, and to laugh at the “German Housekeeper,” as
they derisively called my poor mistress, who in view of this fact would
have done much better not to have meddled in matters in which after all
she had no need to enter, and which so many people would have been but
too happy not to have to think about.




CHAPTER XIII

THE JAPANESE WAR AND THE BIRTH OF THE CZAREVITSCH


The first really great sorrow and anxiety which fell on my beloved
mistress was the Japanese war. I am not writing here a political book,
and indeed understand nothing about politics, but what I do know is
that no one could have been more affected by the disasters which
destroyed the Russian army and fleet than was the Empress. She used to
spend hours weeping in her room, where she allowed no one, not even her
children, to enter, and it was from that time that dated the terrible
headaches which later on were to prostrate her so utterly. She was
then in a delicate state of health, and the Emperor wanted to spare
her as much as possible the news which was brought of one sad event
after another concerning all that went on in this distant Manchuria,
where Russian soldiers were fighting such a hard battle. The whole
country was exasperated at the lamentable organisation, or rather
want of organisation, which was revealed so unexpectedly, and it was
dating from Mukden and Tsushima that the Revolutionary elements in
the country raised their heads and began to threaten the throne which
they were to destroy twelve years later. The whole of Russia was in
the throes of an insurrectional movement, and perhaps the only persons
who were not aware of its strength and magnitude were the sovereigns
themselves. Nicholas II. had not realised the possibility of the fall
of his dynasty and seriously believed that he could stop the torrent
that was flooding the country. The Empress was ignorant of the details
of the convulsions which were fast destroying the old legends and
traditions which had presided at the government of the Empire for such
a long time. She had a few illusions left still, and one of them was in
regard to the strength and the spirit of devotion of the army. It was
therefore a terrible shock to her to find that this army which she had
believed to be invincible had allowed itself to be beaten by the troops
of the Mikado whom she had regarded as savages. She felt cruelly the
loss of prestige which this disastrous campaign entailed, and she also
felt humiliated in her pride as a Sovereign and as a woman. Added to
this weight of anxieties was another—the dread that the child whose
birth she was expecting would prove another daughter, whose advent into
the world would add to the unpopularity of its mother. Sometimes my
heart used to ache for her, when I saw her dragging herself through the
park of Peterhof, looking so ill that one wondered whether she would be
able to stand the trial which was awaiting her. In her cruel anxiety
she found no one to encourage her or to whisper words of encouragement
in her ear. Her husband was himself absorbed by the saddest of
preoccupations and she did not care to add to them by speaking to him
of her own personal griefs and sorrows. So the time went on, bringing
every day new subjects for alarm, and new causes for discouragement. At
last one morning I was called to the bedside of the Empress, together
with all her other attendants, and with trembling hearts we awaited
the verdict of the doctors as to her safety and the sex of the infant
for whose advent we were watching with such intense interest. It was
noon, and the great clock of the castle of Peterhof had just been heard
striking the twelve strokes announcing it, when a child’s cry broke
the silence of the room where the Empress was lying, and then Doctor
Ott, her physician, turned towards the Czar, standing pale and worried
beside his Consort, with the word: “I congratulate Your Majesty on the
birth of a Czarevitsch.”

Nicholas II. did not reply. He stood as if dazed by the unexpected
news. No one spoke or interrupted his meditation, but all devoted
themselves to the Empress, who was still under the effects of the
chloroform that had been administered to her. When she opened her eyes
she looked so weak that no one dared to tell her the good news, but
she seemed to read it in the face of her husband, because she suddenly
exclaimed: “Oh, it cannot be true; it cannot be true. Is it really a
boy?”

Nicholas II. fell on his knees beside her and burst into tears, the
first and only ones I had ever seen him shed.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

THE EX-CZAREVITCH]

The birth of an heir to the throne was an event of such magnitude
that it absorbed for some time the whole attention of the public, and
diverted it from all that was taking place in the Far East. For his
parents it came as a consolation after long years of waiting, and
seemed to have been destined to comfort them for the disasters which
were taking place at the front. The Czar could not restrain his joy,
and at every moment he used to speak of “his son,” and to look out
for occasions to pronounce the magic words, “My Boy.” The Empress’s
happiness was less buoyant but just as intense, perhaps even more so,
for this opportune arrival of the little man whom one had already left
off expecting improved considerably her own position, and gave her an
importance which had been denied to her before. She became passionately
attached to this child of promise, and almost painfully and morbidly
devoted to him. Unfortunately he proved a most delicate little mortal,
and for the first years that followed upon his birth the doctors who
attended him hardly hoped they would be able to save his life. He was
born with an organic disease, or rather defect, a weakness of the
blood vessels which ruptured on the slightest provocation, causing
hemorrhages that sometimes could not be stopped for hours. For a long
time his condition was hidden from the public, but at last concealment
became impossible, especially after an attack which occurred about two
years before the great war, which was of so serious a nature that the
child’s life was absolutely despaired of. A few months before this
he had been obliged to undergo an operation for hernia and had hardly
recovered from the effects of it when an accident brought about the
hemhorrhage which for weeks resisted every remedy employed to stop
it. These were anxious times for the parents, and the Empress’s hair
changed colour and showed streaks of grey before her son was at last
pronounced out of danger.

I have spoken at length of this serious illness of the little Alexis
because so many ridiculous tales were put into circulation concerning
it, tales which were as malicious as they were foundationless. The
small heir of Nicholas II. was never the object of any attack of
nihilists, and all the detailed circumstances which some newspapers
related concerning him were all of them pure invention. It is
sufficient to say that when he became ill the Imperial family were not
on their yacht, but were staying at one of the Czar’s shooting boxes at
Spala in Poland. I have often wondered who could have had an interest
in giving publicity to the ridiculous and distressing tale which is to
this day firmly believed by many people outside of Russia.

When the Grand Duke was able to be moved his parents returned to
Czarskoi Selo, whence they went for many months to the Crimea, the mild
climate of which was considered to be necessary for his convalescence.
But for more than two years after this attack the boy was not allowed
to walk, and was constantly carried about in the arms of a sailor from
the Imperial yacht whom he had taken into his affection, and who to
this day is with him, having chosen to accompany him to Siberia. This
necessity of having to exhibit, so to say, a sick child, was most
painful to the feelings of the Empress, whose maternal pride was hurt
by the knowledge that the whole of Russia was commenting on it and
pitying the Emperor for having an heir in such a sad state of health.
She was also continually subjected to the railleries of her husband’s
family that reproached her for having, as one of the Grand Duchesses
once expressed it, “contaminated the Romanoffs with the diseases of
her own race.” There was some truth in the accusation, because the
illness from which the boy suffered was hereditary in the Saxe-Coburg
family, and had been brought into the House of Hesse by the Princess
Alice, the mother of the Empress, whose own brother, the Duke of
Albany, had died from the effects of it at Cannes. The worst thing
about it was that one could never know when it was going to break out
afresh. The slightest knock was sufficient to bring on an attack, and
one can imagine how far from easy it was to watch over every movement
of a lively boy full of fun and high spirited, such as Alexis proved
to be. On the other hand this physical infirmity (for it could hardly
be called anything else) had this result that the child got to be
inordinately spoiled. The mother was afraid to contradict him or to
refuse to submit to any of his caprices, because she had been told that
it was dangerous for him even to cry, as any exertion of his lungs or
throat might bring about the rupture of some blood vessel. One may
therefore form an idea of the system of education to which Alexis was
subjected, and perhaps one will feel indulgent in regard to the Empress
when thinking of the perpetual dread and anxiety in which her days and
nights were spent, and forgive her for the weakness which made her
yield to every whim or caprice of the boy who seemed to have been born
to add to her cup of sorrow, and not for the purpose of bringing joy
into her life.

I will now relate an incident which deeply impressed the Czarina at
the time when it occurred. It was a few days before the birth of her
son. We were at Peterhof and she was dressing for dinner. Suddenly we
heard a crash behind us, and were dismayed to see that a heavy looking
glass which hung upon the wall behind Alexandra Feodorovna had fallen
to the floor, where it had been shattered into a thousand fragments.
The Empress cried aloud in her emotion, and for one moment I believed
that she was about to faint, so white did her features become. I
applied myself to reassure her, but she would not be comforted, and
declared that it was an ill omen and that probably she would die in
childbirth. When everything was over, and on the day of the christening
of the Grand Duke Alexis, I ventured to remind his mother of her fright
of a few weeks before, and added that it was a clear proof how wrong it
was to be superstitious, because certainly nothing happier could have
occurred than the event which had just taken place, notwithstanding the
bad omen of the broken looking glass. The Empress smiled sadly, and
replied: “My good Marfa, we do not know yet what is going to befall my
baby, and whether his will be a happy life or not. Perhaps the bad
omen was for him and not for me.”

A curious thing is that exactly ten years later, in July, 1914, just
before the war, we were again at Peterhof, and the Czarina was dressing
for dinner in the same room, when that identical looking glass, which
had been rehung, fell with the same noise and just as unexpectedly,
terrifying her as it had done before. Alas, alas, we could afford then
to laugh at omens, but now that so many tragic things have occurred
I wonder sometimes whether these accidents (for one can hardly call
them anything else) were a kind of warning of the calamities about
to follow. Certainly they could not fail to impress a woman as
superstitious as the Empress grew in time to be.

When I say “grew,” it is not quite exact. She had always believed in
good and bad omens, and she had brought with her from her German home
a quantity of beliefs in all kinds of uncanny things. She would not
have sat down thirteen at dinner for anything, and the sight of three
candles on a table made her frantic. She would not have put on a green
dress for fear it would bring her bad luck, and she was always careful
to look at a new moon from the right side. She never began anything
on a Friday, and she was firmly convinced that one could, if only one
were strong enough as a medium, summon people from another world into
one’s presence. She believed also in miracles, and would worship any
dirty relic which hundreds of unwashed peasants had kissed, without
feeling the least disgust, which was the more strange in that generally
she was almost meticulously careful not to touch anything that had not
been thoroughly cleansed. The influence which Rasputin grew to acquire
over her mind proceeded only from this weakness of hers, which was
continually fomented and encouraged by her sister, the Grand Duchess
Elizabeth, herself a most devout person who combined bigotry with an
utter unscrupulousness as to the means with which she could realise the
many ambitions that she entertained.

If the Emperor had been a man of strong character he might have
prevented his young wife from falling under the influence of the many
people who merely used her as a pawn in their game. But in his way
he was just as superstitious as she, and they both were so absorbed
by their love and anxiety for their only son, that they clung to all
those whom they thought could be of use to him. Thus when they saw
Rasputin, whom they considered to be a saint, prostrate himself on
the ground and implore the Almighty to cure the boy, and when after
this they noticed that the boy was getting stronger, they felt more
and more tempted to think that it was not the doctors (who had told
them that the child could never be permanently cured) who had made him
better, but the will of the Almighty, and that it was to the Almighty
alone they had to look for the conservation of the life of that much
cherished son.




CHAPTER XIV

THE CZARINA, HER CHILDREN AND HER CHARITIES


It would be difficult to find a better mother than the Empress
Alexandra. She entered into the smallest details of the training of
her daughters and her son, and she tried before everything else to
imbue them with the same serious points of view with which she looked
upon life and its numerous duties. She insisted on her children always
speaking the truth, and the only time I ever saw her really angry
with the little Alexis was one morning when he was caught by her
telling a falsehood. She had suffered so much through the insincerity
which continually dogged her footsteps that she made up her mind to
save her children from this misery, and she applied herself to make
out of them sincere people. She had been very lucky in the choice of
the lady who was appointed to superintend the education of the young
Grand Duchesses. Mademoiselle Toutscheff was a person of the highest
moral character, who gave herself up to her duties of governess to the
daughters of Nicholas II. with a complete devotion. People said that
she had been the whole time in variance with the Empress, and that she
had left at last because her advice had been disregarded. But this was
not quite correct. It is true that she objected to the introduction of
Rasputin to her pupils, but that was principally because she feared the
influence which this illiterate peasant might come to exercise over the
impressionable minds of the young girls entrusted to her care, whom
she did not wish to see afflicted with the superstitious religious
exaggerations to which their mother unfortunately succumbed. This led
to friction between her and Alexandra Feodorovna, and she preferred to
resign her functions rather than to remain at her post after having
lost the confidence of the mother of her pupils. There may also have
been another reason for her going. The Grand Duchess Olga was already
twenty years of age, and she had developed an independent character
which had made the position of Mademoiselle Toutscheff extremely
difficult. She thought that it would be to the advantage of everybody
if she severed her connection with the Imperial family before she had
spoilt it by unseemly quarrels.

In a certain sense she was right, because it was unfortunately an
undoubted fact that the Empress had become quite fanatical in her
allegiance to the Greek Orthodox Church, and that she tried to induce
her daughters to follow her example. Happily for them the girls had a
great deal of common sense, and they managed to keep themselves free
from the religious excesses into which their mother had fallen. They
loved her tenderly, and would have given their life for her, and she
on her side doted on these girls. When they were babies she spent most
of her spare time with them in their nursery or schoolroom, and later
on she shared with them all her occupations and associated them with
her life as much as she could. She never parted from them or from their
brother, and there was not a thing which concerned their well-being,
down to the smallest details, into which she did not enter. When the
war broke out she with her two eldest daughters followed a course of
training as sisters of charity, and in the hospital which she opened in
Czarskoi Selo she nursed the wounded soldiers with them.

In regard to the little boy whose advent had been such a source of
joy to his parents, the Empress was also full of solicitude. She had
taken upon herself his religious training, and every morning had him
brought to her room for an hour, when she would read to him the gospel
and teach him the catechism. She was a fond, but by no means a foolish
mother, and what she aspired after was to make out of her children
honest men and women and worthy members of society. But at the same
time she had very determined opinions in the matter of education, and
there were things which she could not understand, as, for instance,
the necessity for her girls to have some amusements in their lives.
She imagined that it was quite enough for them to live with their
parents, in possession of all that their hearts could desire in the
matter of material satisfactions, and would not hear of the necessity
of marriage for them. She could not bring herself to look upon them as
upon grown-up women, and considered them always in the light of babies
in need of her care. She is not the only mother who may be reproached
for this failing, and she was more reproached for it than she deserved
to be.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

THE EX-CZARINA AND HER SON]

The little Grand Duke Alexis had a tutor, an Englishman, whom he liked
very much, and also a French master. His mother wanted him to have
a complete command of foreign languages, knowing by experience how
difficult it is for people placed in high positions to get on without
it. The boy was a bright and intelligent child, and if he had only had
good health, he might have made greater progress in his studies. But
half of his time was spent in bed, and naturally this interfered with
the course of his lessons. His sisters also were not in possession
of the best of health, and this extreme delicacy of her children was
a source of perpetual anxiety to the Czarina. She also objected to
what she declared was a tendency towards frivolity on the part of
her girls. Tatiana especially was extremely fond of nice clothes and
of jewellery, and her mother was continually trying to subdue her
extravagances in that direction, notwithstanding the fact that she
very well knew the like reproach might be applied to her own self. She
was continually drawing the attention of her daughters towards the
sufferings of others, and her instructions bore fruit, because when
the war broke out the Grand Duchesses displayed wonderful qualities
of self-abnegation and devotion to the cause of suffering humanity.
Tatiana in particular was quite marvellous, and worked indefatigably
in the relief committee at the head of which she stood, which proved
the only one that did any good, and where malversations did not take
place. She renounced any pleasures she might have obtained in the way
of buying this or that thing that attracted her fancy, and at last
when money became scarce she sold a beautiful pearl necklace which her
father had given to her on her eighteenth birthday, to relieve some of
the distress which was being constantly brought before her notice. The
lessons of her mother had borne fruit.

The Czarina was naturally extremely charitable, and moreover she had
very sane ideas in regard to the relief of suffering and misery. She
had especially at heart the fate of small children, and the society
which she and the Emperor founded, which was destined to encourage poor
women in their aspirations after maternity by teaching them how to take
care of their offspring, was an elaborate and most intelligent affair.
She would certainly have brought it to an excellent result if the
Revolution had not interfered and destroyed her plans in that respect,
as it destroyed so many other things.

My mistress has been reproached at different times for having shown
herself indifferent to the cause of national education, and for not
having considered that problem with the attention it deserved. But
this was also an unreasonable reproach. The Empress could not, even if
she had so wished, have interfered with the conduct of the different
educational establishments for women in the Empire. These were all of
them placed under the patronage of the Empress Dowager, who was far too
jealous of her privileges in that respect to have consented to share
them with her daughter-in-law. The same thing might have been said in
regard to the work of the Red Cross, which was entirely controlled by
Marie Feodorovna, who brought to it great knowledge and considerable
ability. But at the same time she would not allow the young Czarina
to interfere with it, and when the latter tried in her various visits
to the Front to suggest this or that improvement in the management of
the different hospitals she inspected, her mother-in-law instantly
protested and declared herself affronted by what she considered to be
a criticism on her management. The young Empress had to devote herself
to the care of the wounded in the different hospitals which she had
organised at Czarskoi Selo, and her work remained confined to the
great committee for relief of the refugees from the invaded countries
and other victims of the war, which the Emperor had founded at the
beginning of the campaign, and the care and patronage of which he had
placed under the management of his wife. It was an interesting but at
the same time a most disheartening work, because it was impossible to
follow its execution, and one had perforce to depend on people more or
less reliable. My mistress often regretted that she was debarred from
putting her experience and her great love for her neighbour at the
service of the army. This, however, was denied her, perhaps not without
reason, because by that time she had already become most unpopular
among the troops, who had taken to calling her “the German.” One day
when she was inspecting a field ambulance, she heard the expression
in reference to herself and was so overcome by it that she could not
restrain her tears. The poor woman, though she knew that she was
regarded with anything but affection by her husband’s subjects, yet had
believed that the army at least appreciated her care and her desire for
its welfare. The discovery that such was far from being the case was
a great blow to her. As time went on, carrying away with it all her
hopes of winning the love of the Russian nation, she became hardened
and ceased to conceal the contempt which she felt for a world that had
failed to realise and to believe in her good intentions. But through
it all she applied herself to hide from her children the intensity
of her disillusions, and she went on instilling into them those high
principles to which she had tried to remain faithful herself. Her
great misfortune was that she lived in great times, and that she had
no greatness in her to meet them. This was a calamity, but by no means
caused by her own fault.

Sometimes she was touching in the attention she gave to the smallest
detail connected with the training and the welfare of her children. One
may say that even before the great catastrophe which fell upon her, her
attention had been entirely concentrated on her babes. She liked to be
present at all the daily routine of their existences, and whenever her
daughters were to be produced before some of their relatives, she made
it a point to superintend their toilet, and to brush their long hair.
The girls were generally dressed in white, winter and summer, and it
was only when they had reached their twelfth year that she consented
to dress them in dark colours during their school hours. But even then
they had to change for dinner and to appear before their parents in the
light gowns their mother was so fond of. Their clothes were always made
in the best houses, and their linen just as dainty and magnificent as
their mother’s. In summer and on board the Imperial yacht, they were
generally attired in sailor hats and blouses, and were allowed to run
about as much as they liked, and to talk to the officers and sailors.
They shared their mother’s love for the sea, and the six weeks or so
that these annual excursions in the Finnish waters lasted were the real
holidays of the children as well as of the Empress.

The latter has also been accused of not showing any amiability in
regard to the foreign guests who from time to time visited the Court
of Czarskoi Selo. In this there may have been a certain amount of
truth, but the apparent coldness of the young Czarina proceeded from
the everlasting fear which haunted her that she might be compromised
by showing herself too effusive towards strangers. She knew that
any attention she showed to her visitors would be widely commented
upon, and as these with few exceptions were German princes, this
circumstance added to her embarrassment, because she was very well
aware that she was supposed to harbour strong Teuton sympathies. In
regard to her English relatives she was handicapped, because the Queen
of Great Britain was the sister of the Empress Dowager, and when she
came to Rewal with King Edward, she was naturally more with Marie
Feodorovna than with the niece with whom she had so very little in
common, and who had done nothing whatever to win her sympathies.

From time to time the sister of the Czarina, Princess Henry of Prussia,
put in an appearance at Czarskoi Selo, and her brother, the Grand Duke
of Hesse, was also a frequent visitor there. But these visits were
never official ones, and mostly passed unnoticed by the general public
that had left off troubling about what went on in the home of the
Sovereign. The members of the Imperial family were also rare visitors
at Czarskoi Selo, and avoided putting in an appearance there unless
absolutely compelled to do so. Alexandra Feodorovna knew so perfectly
well how to convey to her guests the knowledge that they bored her
that it was no wonder they did not care to court this knowledge and
that they preferred not to annoy her with their presence. The Empress
Dowager used to appear on the family anniversaries, such as birthdays,
name days, and others of the kind to offer her congratulations to her
son and daughter-in-law, and every winter the young Czarina used to
come to St. Petersburg from Czarskoi Selo to pay her mother-in-law one
solemn visit of ceremony; after which the two ladies did not see each
other for a long time. All this was abnormal, but once these relations
had been established it was next to impossible to change them, and
so the breach which separated my mistress from the world as well as
from her husband’s family widened and widened, until at last she found
herself alone in presence of danger, of sorrow, and of one of the
greatest catastrophes which history will ever record. Whether the fault
was wholly hers or was shared by others, is a point upon which I shall
not attempt to give an opinion.




CHAPTER XV

THE FIRST REVOLUTION


I often wondered whether the Empress had quite appreciated the
magnitude of the first revolutionary movement which took place in
Russia during and after the Japanese war. She had been repeatedly
told that it was a mutiny of no importance, bound to be crushed by
the government. The Czar as well as his ministers had purposely left
her in the dark, the former because he did not wish to alarm her, and
the latter because they feared that she might try, in presence of the
danger which threatened the dynasty, to persuade her husband to adopt
a more liberal form of administration, and to grant to Russia this
Constitution for which everybody was clamouring, especially after the
war had plainly proved that the autocratic régime was at an end. She
could, however, sometimes hear echoes of the general dissatisfaction,
and indeed the first person who pointed out to her its extent was the
Empress Dowager, who knew very well all that was going on, and who had
made it a point to become as well-informed as possible of all that was
taking place in the Empire. For once Marie Feodorovna appealed to her
daughter-in-law to open the eyes of Nicholas II as to the perils of
the political situation, but she refused to do so, thinking that the
request covered an intrigue of which she was to become the victim. And
so time went on until Count Witte, who still enjoyed some popularity,
spoke to the Emperor, and persuaded him to promulgate the famous
Manifesto of the 17th October, and to call together a Representative
Assembly. In a certain sense this was a victory for the Empress, for
she had at that period more than once expressed her conviction that
it would be to the advantage of the Russian nation to establish a
constitutional form of government, as near as possible to the one which
had proved so successful in England. But strange as it may appear to
say so, she was at that very moment changing her opinions and rallying
to those of the people who thought that every concession to the demands
of the populace would bring about the ruin of the monarchy, just as the
calling together of the States General in France in 1789 had brought
about the fall of the Bourbons and sent Louis XVI. finally to the
scaffold. She had always compared her fate to that of Marie Antoinette,
and had more than once expressed to her friends her conviction that
she also was destined for some horrible fate. On the day when the
first Duma was opened by the Emperor in the big ballroom of the Winter
Palace, she cried the whole time that she was dressing, and it was
almost with a feeling of horror that she allowed her maids to place
on her head the big diadem of diamonds which formed part of the Crown
jewels, and to hang about her neck the many rows of pearls and precious
stones which lay in readiness for her. She was dreading the future and
wondering what it would bring with it.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

THE GRAND STAIRCASE, WINTER PALACE, PETROGRAD]

There is one incident concerning these momentous days which I must
relate. When the population of St. Petersburg, headed by the notorious
Gapone, repaired to the Winter Palace and asked to see the Sovereign,
in order to lay their grievances before him, the Czarina was of the
opinion that he ought to have received them and spoken with them. Her
mother-in-law thought the same thing. But the ministers, and especially
Count, then still Baron, Fredericks opposed it, and it was their
advice which prevailed, instead of that of the two Empresses. To
tell the truth, Nicholas was not of a courageous nature, and but too
ready to listen to those who told him that he ought not to expose his
person to any danger.

But in presence of this new load of calamity that threatened her
and her children my mistress more than ever put her trust in God,
and prayed, prayed with more fervour than she had ever done before.
Several times she interceded in favour of revolutionaries who had been
sentenced to death for some political crime or other. This happened
particularly in the case of a woman, Sophy Konoplianinova, who had
murdered General Minn, the commander of the Semenovsky regiment, who
had repressed with ruthless cruelty the Moscow Rebellion. The Empress
wished to have her pardoned, but the Czar would not listen to her, and
all her pleadings for mercy were in vain.

Is it to be wondered that racked as she was with cruel anxieties, and
bred in an atmosphere of superstition, she set her belief more than
ever in spiritism and consulted fortunetellers, and monks and priests
who predicted to her a future devoid of cares, and one where worries
would be unknown to her? She listened to them, and with a blind faith
in their many and varied predictions she proceeded to absorb herself
more and more in practices of a religious devotion which finally
mastered all her thoughts and left no room in them for anything else.
She had fitted up in her bedroom an oratory full of sacred images, to
which every day was added another icon. No Russian was ever a firmer
believer in the different dogmas of the Orthodox Church than was this
daughter of a German house, whose mother had been an intimate friend of
the famous Strauss, and had allowed the latter to dedicate to her his
life of Jesus which had caused such a profound sensation in literary,
religious and philosophical circles all over the world.

The Revolution was finally mastered, and though the Duma always
continued to show itself criticising and even rebellious, things
began to settle down. Russia prepared to celebrate the anniversary
of the Three Hundredth Year of the accession of the Romanoff dynasty
to the throne, and great rejoicings were planned for the occasion.
The Imperial family came to St. Petersburg for the first time since
the Japanese war, and remained in the capital for four days. A solemn
service of thanksgiving was celebrated in the Kazan Cathedral, to
which representatives of all the classes of the Empire were invited,
and the nobility of St. Petersburg gave a big ball at which the whole
Imperial family was present. I remember it so well, because it was the
last occasion on which the Empress appeared in full state and wore the
Crown Jewels. She had chosen a white satin dress all embroidered in
silver, and had consented to put on what she did but rarely—the famous
necklace of diamonds together with the tiara that had belonged to the
Empress Catherine. She was still beautiful, but the slight figure that
had been so conspicuous in her young days, and the beautiful complexion
which had been unrivalled, had disappeared. She looked a middle
aged, haggard woman, racked with cares and anxieties, and though the
splendid, sharp profile could never change, the mouth had altered, and
its expression was almost tragic. She only remained for an hour at the
ball, and retired before supper, leaving her daughters to the care of
the Dowager Empress, who declared herself delighted at the thought of
chaperoning them.

It was the girls’ first appearance in society, and those who saw
them then will never forget how they looked. They were both dressed
in pink, soft clouds of tulle, which suited them to perfection. Not
regularly pretty, they had sweet faces, and such charming manners
that one could not help being attracted by them. Rumours of their
approaching marriages with the Crown Prince of Servia and the future
heir to the Roumanian throne were afloat at the time, and added to
the interest which they excited. Alas, alas, all these hopes were to
prove fallacious, and St. Petersburg society, which had been so much
attracted by these two Princesses, was never to see them again, at
least as the daughters of a reigning Sovereign.

Dark rumours were already coursing at the time concerning the Empress
and her affection for the terrible Rasputin who was to do her so much
harm. In general she was unfortunate in her friendships, because the
one which she formed for Madame Wyroubieva caused also much scandal.
The Czarina with all her cleverness (and she was clever) had no
judgment and did not possess the slightest knowledge of the world or
of humanity. She believed all that she was told, and, if the truth be
said, she was so anxious to please and to be liked that she accepted
with joy and an amazing credulity the protestations of affection she
met with. If she had only had a really good friend, so many of the
mistakes which she made might have been avoided.

One of the people who did her the most harm was her own sister, the
Grand Duchess Elizabeth. The latter was an ambitious person who
conceived the plan to rule Russia through the Empress. She had entered
a convent not at all out of any vocation for the religious life, but
because she thought that it would give her prestige in the country,
and that she might acquire there a position which it would have been
impossible for her to obtain as the widow of a Grand Duke who had been
murdered on account of his unpopularity and the hatred with which he
was looked upon in the whole of Russia. She posed as a victim and she
absolutely abused the privileges which this attitude conferred upon
her. She used to worry the Czarina greatly, and whenever the latter
objected to anything that she told her, or refused to comply with any
of the continual requests she put forth, she threatened her with the
punishment of Heaven, and told her that God would chastise her and
take away from her her idolised son. She spent her time going about
from one convent to another, and in that way contrived to travel all
over Russia and to win for herself a considerable number of adherents
everywhere. Her plan was to force the Czar to rescind the Constitution
which he had granted to his subjects and to return to the old forms
of autocracy. It was she who had recommended Mr. Protopopoff and Mr.
Sturmer to the Emperor, and she had managed to secure for herself, as
well as for all the people who had sworn their allegiance to her, a
prominent place in the administration of the State.

The Empress feared her and knew beforehand that she would in the long
run be compelled to do whatever her sister required of her. Sometimes,
however, she showed some impatience at the manner in which the latter
“bossed” her, to use a vulgar expression, and then she would sulk
and lock herself up in her room, refusing to see any one, upon which
Elizabeth would sigh and make discreet allusions to the sad mental
condition of the unfortunate Czarina. She certainly was the one who
contributed the most to the popular belief that the Consort of Nicholas
II. was not quite right in her mind.

The only person who would fight the Grand Duchess, and not give in to
her caprices, was Madame Wyroubieva, and perhaps this was one of the
reasons why Alexandra Feodorovna grew so fond of her. The poor Empress
wanted some one to fight her battles for her and felt grateful to any
person capable of doing so. She had encountered so few willing to do it.

The Emperor Nicholas was very fond of his sister-in-law. She
represented to him what he called the only real Russian element in the
Imperial family, in the sense that he thought her so infeodated to
the old Muscovite traditions which his uncles and cousins, and even
his own brother and sisters, had renounced, and he fancied she would
be better able than any one else to understand the wants as well as
the idiosyncrasies of the Russian nation. He always listened to her
with deference, and, bigoted as he was himself, felt ready to believe
her when she assured him that the Almighty would always protect him,
provided he kept faithful to the principles of that Orthodox Church
which required from him the destruction of everything and every one
that showed any antagonism to this autocracy of which he was the chosen
representative. The Czar belonged to that class of people who only
listen to those who agree with them, and he had never learned anything,
or profited by the lessons that one had tried to teach to him, no
matter in what direction. He was a tyrant by character and by temper,
whilst weak and irresolute, and this is a combination which is more
often to be found than one would imagine.

At the time I am talking about my mistress was very unhappy. For one
thing, she had very little hope left of the recovery of her son, and
apart from the exaggerated love which she bore him, she felt that the
difficulty of her own position would increase should the boy die.
She had an almost morbid wish to hear people assure her that such a
misfortune was not going to overtake her, and she eagerly caught at the
assurances which Rasputin used to give her that so long as he remained
at her side no harm could happen to little Alexis. She sincerely
thought that this common peasant, by reason of his ignorance, would
be better able than a more cultured person to come into touch with
the Almighty, founding her belief on the words of the Gospel, that He
“revealed himself to simple and ignorant people.” The fact was that she
had grown tired of all the false protestations with which her ears
were saturated, and she thought that perhaps a humble Russian mougik
would at least show himself faithful to her as well as to her dynasty.
How terrible was her mistake the future was to prove.




CHAPTER XVI

THE CZARINA’S FRIENDS


Alexandra Feodorovna did not make any real friends during the first
years that followed upon her marriage. Indeed it was only after the
Japanese war that she started the intimacies for which she was so
much reproached by her subjects. The most notorious was that for
Rasputin, but there were two others just as nefarious—that with Madame
Wyroubieva and with the Princess Dondoukoff.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

GRAND DUCHESS ELIZABETH]

The latter was a lady of considerable intelligence and a physician
of no mean skill whom the Empress had put at the head of the private
hospital she had organised at Czarskoi Selo long before the war broke
out. Later on when other lazarets and ambulances, the number of which
increased every day as the terrific struggle went on, were organised in
the Imperial residence, the Princess Dondoukoff was appointed general
superintendent of all these establishments, and it was she who coached
the Czarina as well as her daughters in the duties of a Red Cross
nurse. She was of a pushing temperament, had the reputation of being
loose in her morals, though personally I saw nothing that could have
justified it, and was also gifted with a remarkable propensity for
intrigue. No one liked her, but everybody feared her. She insinuated
herself thoroughly into the confidence of the Empress, who referred to
her in everything, and willingly listened to her. She was of course
among the followers of Rasputin, and with him and Madame Wyroubieva
formed a trio which it would have been difficult not only for the
general public but also for the immediate attendants of the Russian
Sovereign to fight against.

The Princess Dondoukoff used to give drugs to Alexandra Feodorovna
which the latter used to take unknown to her medical attendants and
which were declared by them, when they discovered the fact, to have
had a good deal to do with her shattered nerves. This may or may not
have been true,—I shall not venture an opinion upon the subject,—but
certainly my mistress was far too fond of the Princess, and would have
done better to have seen less of her, if only from the point of view
that the weight which she laid on her opinions considerably incensed
the doctors who were in regular attendance upon her, who objected to
the manner in which their own prescriptions were neglected.

The Princess introduced at Court a quack medical man from Thibet
called Bachmanoff, who, she pretended, had brought with him from his
country all kinds of secret remedies which she advised the Czarina to
try on the little Grand Duke Alexis. The fond mother believed her,
and Bachmanoff became one of her favourites. It is impossible to say
whether he would have cured the child, because the latter’s nurse, a
sailor called Derewenko, of whom he was inordinately fond, and whom I
have already had occasion to mention, threw out of the windows all the
powders and potions which Alexandra Feodorovna asked him to give to
her son, and took great care the boy should not get anything but what
his own doctor had ordered him to take. Ultimately the Grand Duke got
better and stronger, and last year he might have been pronounced cured,
at least in so far as the chronic ailment from which he was suffering
could be cured. But the Empress in her joy at this unexpected recovery
was persuaded that it had taken place, thanks to the Thibetan, in whom
she believed more than ever.

The friendship for Madame Wyroubieva was perhaps even worse than the
attachment of the foolish Sovereign to the Princess Dondoukoff. Madame
Wyroubieva was the daughter not of the Emperor’s private secretary,
as she represented herself to be, but of a State Secretary (which is
quite a different thing, being a purely honorific position) called
Tanieieff. She had been married to a navy officer with whom she could
not agree, and they were divorced, not because he had grown mad, as
she declared (divorce for insanity is not allowed in Russia), but
because he had found reason to object to her conduct. The Empress,
for reasons no one ever understood, took her part and invited her
once or twice to the Palace of Czarskoi Selo. Madame Wyroubieva made
the most of her opportunities and soon became quite indispensable to
Alexandra Feodorovna. She it was who, with the Grand Duchess Elizabeth,
introduced Rasputin into the Imperial household, and with him she
established such control of the Czarina’s actions that soon the latter
became simply a tool in their hands.

Madame Wyroubieva was, above everything else, a grabbing woman. She
fully meant to make a fortune out of the position of trust she was
supposed to occupy. Both she and Rasputin were in their turn in the
hands of a gang of adventurers who used them for their own ends, and
they set up a shameful exploitation of the public exchequer for which
unfortunately the Empress was made responsible. The latter only looked
upon Rasputin as a saintly personage, a kind of orthodox yogi whose
prayers were sure to be taken into account by the Almighty. Terrible
things have been hinted at in regard to her relations with him, but all
that I can say is that to my knowledge, at least, she was never alone
with him for one single moment, and that except in regard to the health
of the heir to the throne, my mistress never spoke with him of anything
else but religious subjects. The public said that he was all powerful
at Court, but I feel convinced that these rumours arose from certain
unscrupulous persons who had an interest in spreading them because
they managed (thanks to the intimacy of which they boasted with a
personage who, as they related, could turn and twist the sovereigns at
his will and pleasure) to obtain army contracts and other things they
desired. Among them were Protopopoff and Sturmer, and the notorious
Manassevitsch Maniuloff, whose blackmailing propensities caused him to
be arrested and sentenced to several years’ hard labour from which he
was released by order of the present Russian government. Rasputin in
reality was treated in the Palace as a kind of jester who was allowed
to do as he wished—a sort of fool, after the pattern of Chicot in
Dumas’ novels, and neither Nicholas II., who liked him even better than
did the Empress, nor the latter ever thought of him as of anything
else than a holy pilgrim (for that was what he proclaimed himself to
be) whose vocation was to go about preaching the gospel to the world.
One must not forget that there have been many such in Russia, and that
the natural tendency to mysticism, which is one of the characteristics
of the Russian character, has always welcomed them with effusion. The
Empress, who, though a German, was more superstitious than any Russian,
fully believed that the presence of Rasputin at her side was a shield
against all possible dangers. She therefore refused to be parted from
him, and whenever anything happened of a nature to cause her worry she
used to send for him, when he would prostrate himself on the ground
and invoke the powers of Heaven to deliver him and his friends from
evil. He was a thorough fanatic, or at least professed to affect
the ways of a fanatic, and he used to force the Empress to prostrate
herself before holy images beside him, and to remain with her face
pressed to the floor for hours in earnest supplication to a God whom,
he averred, he was the only one to honour as he ought to be honoured.
It is difficult to realise that an Empress of Russia, and one of the
haughty temperament of Alexandra Feodorovna, could lend herself to
such ridiculous practices, but so it was, and I can only say what I
have seen without attempting to explain it. But it was not surprising
that when the Imperial family came to hear of all this, it should have
been indignant and tried to oust from the Palace a man whose presence
in it tended to discredit royalty at a time when, on the contrary,
every possible means should have been resorted to in order to raise its
prestige.

The Empress Dowager, when she heard all that was going on, raised her
voice, and, disliking though she did to meddle in what she considered
did not concern her, she made representations to the Czar when the
latter paid her a visit in Kieff, whither she had transferred her
residence. Nicholas listened to her, but did nothing. Others followed
the example of Marie Feodorovna, and the Grand Dukes individually and
collectively tried to open the eyes of the head of their dynasty to the
evils caused by the presence of Rasputin. Everything proved useless,
because the Emperor just as much as his wife was under the spell of
the clever comedian whose strong will had completely mastered his own
weak intellect. I have often witnessed the prayer meetings which were
organised in the Czarina’s private oratory, at which Rasputin presided.
Few people were admitted to them, and the congregation generally
consisted of Madame Wyroubieva, the Princess Dondoukoff, the Czar and
his Consort. The Imperial children were sometimes told to attend them
but not often. Rasputin used to pray aloud, and then preach, touching
in his sermons on subjects of every kind that had not the remotest
claim to be considered religious. And then he assured his audience
that the Lord had revealed himself to him and ordered him to acquaint
the Czar with such and such a thing, choosing the one he had at heart
at that particular moment. The Empress generally went into hysterics
whilst listening to him, and it was on that account I was asked to
remain in the vicinity of the room, so as to be able to come to her
help. I had often to unlace her or else she would have choked, and
for this purpose I took her into another apartment. The fact that one
or other of her maids saw me carrying away some part of her clothes
gave rise to the most malicious rumours. The most curious thing about
it all was that the Emperor looked on unmoved whilst his wife was
almost writhing in strong convulsions and extended no help whatever
to her, because Rasputin assured him that these convulsions were a
manifestation of the good spirits, and a proof that the prayers of the
Czarina had been accepted by the Almighty.

I know that all this sounds incredible and yet it is but the truth.
The unfortunate woman whom the world has slandered in the most cruel
manner possible was after all nothing but a miserable being whose
mental balance was unstrung, to say the least. It would have been
more sensible to have put her in an asylum than to have accused her
of immoral practices of which she was incapable. Of course others who
were witnesses of the daily actions of Alexandra Feodorovna in Czarskoi
Selo could not be expected to look at things with the same eyes as I
did and I do not feel any surprise at the disgust which filled all
the good and devoted servants of the dynasty when they heard about
these mysterious meetings during which the Holy Ghost was supposed to
descend in person on the heads of Nicholas II. and his wife. There were
some still in existence, among others the Princess Wassiltschikoff,
one of the most prominent women in St. Petersburg society, who took
it upon herself to write to my mistress to warn her of the manner in
which she was discrediting herself and the dynasty. The Czarina was
terribly offended on receiving this letter, and fell into one of her
rare fits of passion. She complained to the Emperor, and the author
of this epistle that had aroused her anger was forthwith ordered to
leave St. Petersburg and to retire in disgrace to one of her estates in
the country. Alexandra Feodorovna clenched her teeth and could hardly
restrain her tears when speaking about what she called “this infamous
letter.” At that moment of rage I believe she could have killed the
lady who had thus ventured to tell her things which she considered
the most insolent she had ever heard in her whole life. She was
destined to feel still more offended a few days later when the Grand
Duke Nicholas Michaylovitsch, a cousin of the Czar, presented to the
latter a memorandum in which he adjured him not to listen any longer
to the advice he received from his wife, and to dismiss the gang of
adventurers whose presence at his side was discrediting him. He also
was repaid by being sent into exile for the audacity with which he had
dared to criticise the conduct of Alexandra Feodorovna.

There is, therefore, nothing surprising if those who had come to look
upon Rasputin as upon a national danger should at last have made up
their minds to remove him by fair means or foul. Of course what lay
behind his assassination was the desire to put an end to the influence
of the Empress over her Consort, and to pave the way towards her
internment in a private asylum or in a convent where it was felt
that she would be happier than anywhere else. So long as Rasputin
existed such a thing was not to be thought of, but it was secretly
hoped that if he were finally put out of the way the mind of the
Czarina would snap altogether and it would then become a relatively
easy matter to persuade Nicholas II. to separate himself from her,
when it was hoped that the dynasty would recover some of the prestige
which it had lost. This, so far as I know, is the real key to the
murder of the adventurer whose career constitutes a unique episode
even in the annals of Russian history that has recorded so many queer
things. In describing it I have anticipated events, and must now
return a few years back and speak of the outbreak of the great war,
even if superficially, because its declaration sounded the knell of
the Romanoff dynasty and, in a certain way, sealed the fate of the
illustrious lady at whose side I spent so many years before misfortune
overwhelmed her.




CHAPTER XVII

THE GREAT WAR


It is useless to repeat that when the great war broke out no one in
Russia expected it, the Czar least of all. I shall not touch upon the
serious part of this awful drama; I only mention it in so far as it
has to do with the unhappy Empress. She was quite overpowered by it,
and thought it the culminating point of her misfortunes. Apart from
her apprehensions for that Russia whose Sovereign she was, she felt
deeply the fact that she was going to be at war with her own kith and
kin, and with her beloved brother of whom she was so fond. No one
doubted among her surroundings that France and Russia united together
would surely and quickly beat the Germans, but the Czarina knew very
well that whatever the outcome of the struggle she would become one of
its principal victims. She was perfectly aware that the nation which
disliked her so intensely called her the “German” quite openly, and
that she would probably be suspected of favouring the land of her
birth in preference to that of her adoption; she chafed beforehand at
the injustice of the accusation. Everybody noticed her intense emotion
on the day which followed the declaration of hostilities, when, during
the religious ceremony which took place in the Winter Palace, she
stood beside the Czar, and listened to the reading of the manifesto
announcing to the nation that Germany had challenged it to mortal
combat. Before she left Peterhof (where the Court was spending the
summer) for St. Petersburg, I ventured to express to her my hope that
she would have sufficient strength to bear the fatigue and emotions
of the trying day. “I can bear anything now,” she replied. “Since I
did not die yesterday, it seems to me that nothing will ever kill me.”
Momentous words which I was to remember more than once as time went on
and one disaster followed upon another.

When the war broke out the Empress Dowager was in England. She
telegraphed to her daughter-in-law to take her place at the head of the
Red Cross until her return to Russia, and to take the first measures
necessary to ensure its activity. The Czarina was but too willing to
do so, but she encountered unusual opposition and even hostility on
the part of the officials interested in the society, who criticised
all the improvements which she suggested, and even refused to follow
the instructions which she gave them. This, of course, was a source
of bitter mortification to her, and she was but too glad to retire
altogether from the management of the whole affair as soon as her
mother-in-law returned. But this was wrongly interpreted by the public
that said the Sovereign was not interested in the cause of the wounded,
because she disapproved altogether of the war, and would have liked to
see Russia come to an agreement with Germany.

The position of my unfortunate mistress grew more and more difficult
as time went on. At first the triumphant (for so it was called) march
of the Russian troops into Galicia and the capture of Lemberg seemed
to point to a successful campaign, but then came the first reverses,
followed by the great retreat which meant abandoning to the enemy some
of the most fertile provinces of the Russian Empire and the whole of
Poland. The loss of the whole line of fortresses which defended the
Vistula was also an awful blow dealt both to Russia’s might and to
Russia’s welfare as well as prestige. Of course the whole country
waxed indignant at this unexpected series of disasters, and of course
the government was made responsible for them.

The want of foresight on the part of the War Office was attributed to
the general corruption which existed in all Russian administrative
spheres, and also to the partiality of the Czar for certain favourites,
against whom he would never listen to any criticisms and whom he
continued to employ though the whole country had recognised their utter
incapacity.

The Empress knew all these things: she had even been asked more than
once to interfere and to bring them to the notice of the Czar, but
she had always refused to meddle in questions which she felt were
so important that any false step might be accompanied by terrible
consequences. Once during one of the flying visits which the Commander
in Chief, the Grand Duke Nicholas, paid to St. Petersburg from the
front, he had tried to enlist her sympathies in favour of a vast plan
of reform he wanted to bring through, but she was so mistrustful of
him that she had thought it better to do nothing but to declare to
him that she did not think herself competent to offer advice in view
of the general difficulties presented by the situation. She felt
frightened at the persistence with which certain people who were not
over well disposed in her favour wanted to get her mixed up in matters
where the smallest blunder might bring upon her head the wrath of the
whole nation. But at the same time she attempted to do what she had
never tried before, that is, to discuss with her husband the events
of the day and give him the benefit of her opinions, which, though
always moderate, were distinctly in favour of the continuance of the
autocratic system. She once told me that she thought it would be far
more advantageous to the nation if the Duma were permanently prorogued,
at least for as long as hostilities lasted, because she feared for one
thing that its criticisms would destroy the faith of the nation in its
government, and for another, that it would prevent by the discussions
it would be sure to raise the conclusion of a peace favorable to
Russian interests. This peace the Czarina called for with all her
heart, and she would have sacrificed much to see it concluded. This got
to be known, the more so that she never even tried to hide it, and the
rumour arose that she was negotiating the conditions of such a peace
with her German relations. This I do not believe for one moment she
had ever done or wanted to do, but those intent on her destruction
naturally accused her of intriguing in a sense favourable to German
interests. She had unfortunately antagonised every single party in
the country, the aristocracy to begin with, and also the extreme
radicals and socialists who made her responsible for all the measures
of repression which the government had begun to take against them. The
poor woman had become the scapegoat of all the sins of Israel.

Nevertheless she fought bravely against these terrible odds, and she
applied herself to give to the Czar some of the energy which he lacked,
and of which perhaps she possessed too much. It was then that she
paid different visits to the Front, a thing which she had never been
allowed to do whilst the Grand Duke Nicholas was commander in chief,
and she tried to cheer up her husband, and to encourage him in the
new responsibilities which he had assumed when he had dismissed his
uncle and taken upon himself the functions of Commander in Chief of
the Army. He had been forced into his decision by the general wish of
the public, who were dissatisfied with the Grand Duke Nicholas, and
hoped that the presence of the Sovereign at the head of his troops
would infuse courage into the hearts of the latter and induce them to
make every effort against the foe. But the troops were not to blame
for the reverses which had overtaken them; the lack of ammunitions was
the cause of the evil, and this could not be remedied by any commander
in chief, but would have required a thorough and radical reform in the
whole administration of the War Office.

There existed no one in Russia powerful enough to enforce this reform.
In the circumstances in which the country found itself placed, it would
have required the energy and the iron will of a Peter the Great to
overcome the obstacles standing in the way of any reforms of a sweeping
nature, and Russia had for sovereign Nicholas II., the weakest that had
ever carried the sceptre of the Romanoffs.

During these anxious days the Empress took to confiding in me and
sometimes called me to her side, generally during the night when she
could not sleep and was haunted by all kinds of fears in regard to the
future. She told me then that she felt persuaded a revolution would
follow upon the war, and that this time it would be a serious one
which would require considerable energy before it would be suppressed.
The idea that it might eventually prove successful never entered her
mind, and I have often wondered at her utter blindness in this matter.
But she felt so convinced that the greater part of Russia was still
attached to the principles embodied in an all-powerful autocracy that
no one was taken more unawares than herself by the promptitude with
which the Russian nation accepted the overthrow of the dynasty. And
yet she had been told often enough that this dynasty was in danger if
it did not decide to make concession to public opinion that clamoured
for a change. She still nursed illusions, and she honestly believed
that her personal efforts in favour of wounded and disabled soldiers
had made her popular with the army, that it felt grateful to her and to
the Czar, and that it would not allow them to be harmed. She liked to
relate anecdotes tending to prove this, and whenever she returned to
Czarskoi Selo from one of the frequent visits she made to the Front,
after the Emperor had assumed the supreme command, she liked to call
me to her side and relate to me all that she had seen whilst there,
and how the wounded whom she had visited had thanked her for her
kindness towards them, not knowing that their thanks had been uttered
in obedience of a command and had never proceeded from the heart of
those who had uttered them. There had come, however, one fatal day
when, instead of the cheers to which she had been used, the Empress
was received with a dead silence by the troops when she accompanied
her husband to a review of regiments about to be sent to the fighting
Front. This was the first time that such a thing had happened to her,
and the poor Czarina was so upset by this proof that she had lost the
affection of her soldiers that she declared she would no longer show
herself among them. Of course her friends tried to cheer her up, and to
explain to her that this had been a pure accident, but the impression
had been produced, and its effects were to be lasting ones. The first
two years of the war dragged on, and sometimes I wondered whether my
beloved mistress would ever live to see the end of this awful conflict.
She was getting weaker and weaker and her nerves were so entirely
destroyed that all those who still cared for her were getting quite
alarmed on her account. The Emperor alone seemed quite unconcerned and
failed to notice the great change that had come over his wife. He
imagined that she was anxious about the war, but did not dream that her
health was getting worse every day and that she had lost the energy
she had been endowed with before, in the hopeless struggle she was
fighting against forces which were bound to overcome her in the long
run. All her former vivacity had left her. She had become sweeter than
she had ever been, even during her first years of married life, and
she accepted with gratitude every small service one rendered her. The
haughty pride with which she had in former times met any unpleasantness
that occurred to her had disappeared. She had become resigned to
everything that might befall her, but her great anxiety was for her
husband and children, especially the former, against whom she dreaded
an attempt at assassination whenever he was at the Front. During the
sleepless nights which had become her portion she fancied all kinds of
evils, and then she would proceed to the telephone which put her in
direct communication with head-quarters and speak with the aide-de-camp
on duty, asking for news of the Emperor. I do not think that she ever
obtained more than an hour or two of repose in the twenty-four, and
sometimes, when considering this, I did not, as I had previously,
blame the Princess Dondoukoff for administering to her opiates destined
to give her some rest. All this constituted a terrible state of things,
but still it was nothing in comparison with what was to follow, and
the unfortunate Czarina was soon to drink to the very dregs the cup of
sorrow that had been destined for her.




CHAPTER XVIII

DISASTERS AND THE SECOND REVOLUTION


The last days of the year 1916 were sad ones for my poor Empress. First
came the assassination of Rasputin, which was a terrible source of
grief for her, because she firmly believed that so long as he was at
her side no harm could befall her, and certainly as events turned out
she had not been so far wrong in her superstitious fears. During the
first days which followed upon the murder of her favourite she would
sit motionless for hours in her boudoir, doing nothing, absorbed in
thoughts which must have been most painful. Christmas—the last to be
passed by the Imperial family in their beloved Czarskoi Selo—was a sad
one, and the Czarina did not even attempt to shake off the melancholy
forebodings with which she was troubled. She was preoccupied with the
idea of avenging the destruction of the man whose existence she had
considered in the light of a fetich. It is a well-known fact that
she caused the young Grand Duke Dmitry to be exiled in Persia, as a
punishment for his share in the conspiracy that had deprived her of her
favourite. She who had always been so kind turned cruel and merciless,
and I once heard her exclaim that henceforward she would no longer
listen to her heart, but follow only the dictates of her reason.

There was one man who had obtained her favour on account of the ardour
with which he had espoused all her views; this was the Minister of
the Interior, Mr. Protopopoff. He had been one of the most intimate
friends of Rasputin, and he was continually urging upon the Czarina the
necessity of being firm, and of refusing mercy to those who had shown
themselves so entirely merciless in regard to a man who had been a holy
creature. Alexandra Feodorovna found some consolation in her grief by
talking it over with Protopopoff, who finally won her adhesion to the
plans which he had formed to establish once more in Russia an absolute
government.

Christmas had come and gone and a New Year had begun. The difficulties
of the military and economical condition of the country had increased
to an alarming degree. We did not perceive it at Czarskoi Selo, but in
Petrograd, as St. Petersburg now was called, everybody was complaining
of the high cost of living and the impossibility of procuring for
oneself the indispensable necessities of existence. The population was
getting impatient, and dissatisfaction was spreading. Those who could
see the signs of the approaching storm tried to persuade the Czar that
he had better remain in the vicinity of the capital, and not go to the
Front where, after all, his presence was not absolutely needed. But
Nicholas II. would not listen, perhaps because both his wife and Mr.
Protopopoff persuaded him that there existed no reason for alarm. The
Empress had implicit confidence in the Minister and was convinced that
a small display of energy on the part of the government would very
quickly do away with the impatience of the population. She wished to
get her husband out of the way, not at all, as has been said, because
she wanted to make a coup d’état, but because she did not wish the Czar
to be worried by his family, who were making frantic efforts to get
the Grand Duke Dmitry recalled from exile. At first her intention had
been to accompany Nicholas II. to head-quarters, but then her children
had fallen ill with what had been considered at first an attack of
influenza, but subsequently turned out to be measles, and she would not
leave them. The Emperor departed, promising to return immediately if
any serious trouble occurred, and keeping meanwhile in close touch with
his wife and the commander of the garrison of Czarskoi Selo. During his
absence the Revolution took place, brought about by a revolt of the
troops entrusted with the defence of Petrograd. They went over to the
Duma as soon as they heard that it had taken upon itself to institute a
new government.

The Czar had been surrounded by traitors, therefore he had not even
been apprised of all that was taking place in Petrograd. Two urgent
telegrams which were despatched to him by the President of the Duma,
Mr. Rodzianko, never reached him, as we heard later on. Had he received
them it is likely he would have hastened back, and perhaps his presence
in the capital might have averted the catastrophe. But his attendants
were mostly won over to the cause of the Revolution and purposely
left him in ignorance of the gravity of the events which were taking
place, until it was too late. The Empress also was not informed of the
extent of the revolt, and it was through an indiscretion of one of her
servants that she got at last an inkling of the truth. She sent for
Count Benckendorff, the head of the household, and asked him to get her
all the information possible concerning the extent of the rebellion.
The Count, who throughout this sad story behaved with the greatest
loyalty to the cause of the sovereigns whose confidence he had won by
his long and faithful services, tried to go to Petrograd, where he
hoped to learn some details as to what had taken place during the two
preceding days, but found it impossible because the railway line was
already in the hands of the revolutionaries, and no train from Czarskoi
Selo was allowed to proceed. He had perforce to content himself with
the news which he could obtain by telephone, and soon this means of
communicating with the people likely to keep him informed as to what
was going on was stopped.

The Empress, almost mad with anxiety, walked to and fro in her
apartments, wringing her hands, and saying the whole time that she
knew the Czar had been killed and the news was being kept from her.
It was with the greatest difficulty that she could be prevailed upon
to send a telegram to General Roussky, who was then supposed to be
loyal, enquiring after the Emperor. In about two hours she received a
reply saying that Nicholas II. was on his way to Pskoff and expected to
arrive there that same night.

This somewhat allayed the anxieties of the Empress, and just about then
the condition of the Grand Duchess Olga, who had taken the measles
in a more serious form than her sisters, became suddenly worse, and
she was thought to be in danger, as pneumonia had declared itself
and complicated her condition. And then Alexis, who had been removed
to another wing of the palace in the hopes that he might escape the
contagion, sickened in his turn, so that the unfortunate Czarina had
another anxiety to fight, which after all was perhaps the best thing
that could have happened to her, because the necessity of attending to
her children prevented her from brooding on what was happening to her
husband, which otherwise she would have done the whole of the time.

The next thing we heard was that the Duma had sent two delegates to
confer with the Czar; we hoped that from this conference something
good might result, and that Nicholas II. would be induced to call
together a responsible ministry. The Empress herself was persuaded he
would do so, and remarked that if Prince Lvoff accepted the position of
Premier, things would not be so bad, because at heart he was a loyal
monarchist and would not lend himself to any aggression against the
person of his Sovereign. She seemed more cheerful than she had been
for the last two or three days, and showed herself pleased that it
was Mr. Gutchkoff, whom she knew personally and had always liked, who
had been despatched to Pskoff. “Perhaps, after all, we shall weather
this storm,” she remarked, and she further observed that in the grave
circumstances which resulted from the unfavourable course the war had
taken, it was perhaps just as well if the sole responsibility for what
was to follow did not rest upon the Sovereign alone. Neither she nor
any of us had the faintest idea of what was actually taking place at
Pskoff. About midnight I left the Empress. She had been persuaded to
retire to bed, the Princess Dondoukoff having promised to watch by the
children and to call her at once should any change take place in their
condition. She was thoroughly exhausted and we were all glad to see
her at last take some rest, I had lain down also in a room adjoining
the bedchamber of my mistress when at about three o’clock in the
morning I was awakened by a soft knock at my door. Thinking that one of
the children was worse, I got up instantly and went to hear what had
happened before disturbing the Empress. Standing on the threshold I
found the Czarina’s old groom of the chamber with a pale and frightened
countenance. He pulled me aside and in a terrified voice exclaimed:
“Something dreadful has happened: the Emperor has abdicated!”

“What?” I exclaimed, not believing my ears, and inclined to think that
the man had gone mad.

“The Emperor has abdicated,” he repeated, and forthwith began to sob.

I dropped down in a chair, and thought that the end of the world had
come, and so indeed it had—of a certain world at least.

“Who told you?” I enquired. “How did you come to hear it?”

The man replied that the new ministry had advised the commander of
the town of Czarskoi Selo by telephone that the Czar had abdicated in
favour of his brother, and that the troops had to be advised of the
fact immediately.

“How shall we tell the Empress?” was my first thought.

Of course neither my informer nor myself could undertake the painful
task of apprising her of the new misfortune which had overtaken her.
We decided that the only thing to do was to inform Count Benckendorff
and to ask him to perform the sad mission. But as we were proceeding to
his apartments we met him coming to those of the Empress. He had also
been informed of what had taken place at Pskoff a few hours before, and
he was about to communicate them to my unfortunate mistress. I went
back and aroused her. She was not sleeping, and got up immediately.
She had been bracing herself all the time for some new calamity, and
when told that Count Benckendorff wished to speak with her had felt
convinced that he wanted to apprise her that her husband had been
murdered. In comparison with such a catastrophe, the loss of her throne
seemed a small thing, and perhaps her first feeling was one of relief
at finding that her apprehensions had been groundless. But what she
could not bring herself to understand was the fact that it had not
been in favour of his son that the Czar had abdicated. “There must be a
mistake. It is impossible that Niky has sacrificed our boy’s claims!”
she kept repeating. But when at last compelled to believe that such had
been the case, she gave vent to an expression of rage which showed how
thoroughly she despised the weak-minded man to whom she was bound, and
exclaimed: “He might at least in his fright have remembered his son!”

I think that these words are the most cruel condemnation that the
cowardice of Nicholas II. ever obtained, and deserved.

[Illustration: _International Film Service_

GRAND DUCHESS ANASTASIA]

As may be imagined, there was no sleep for any of us after this. When
dawn appeared at last it found the Empress entirely dressed, already
calm and resigned, kneeling before the sacred icons in her oratory, and
invoking the protection of God for her children. Then she went up to
her daughters’ room and acquainted the two younger ones, who had not
yet been attacked by measles, of the change which had taken place in
their destinies. The girls were stunned, as may easily be imagined, and
Anastasia, the youngest, began to cry. The Empress watched her tears
and then in a hard voice remarked, “It is too early to cry yet; keep
your sorrow for another occasion,” and she went out of the room without
adding another word.

But though she was told that her son’s condition was serious, she did
not approach his sick-bed that whole day. It seemed as if she could not
bring herself to look upon the child whose advent into the world had
been such a source of joy to her, and who had been despoiled of the
great heritage to which he had been born. It was evident to all those
who knew her well that some time would have to elapse before she could
bring herself to forgive her husband for the injury he had done their
only son, and perhaps she would never have forgiven it had it not been
for all the other misfortunes which were to follow upon this hasty
abdication.




CHAPTER XIX

HOW THE CZARINA WAS ARRESTED


A few dreadful days followed upon the one which had brought us the
news of the abdication of the Czar. The Empress tried to get into
communication with him, but though she contrived to speak with him over
the wire, it was from the first evident that every word was listened
to, and she gave up any attempt at confidential conversation. What
worried her was that instead of returning to Czarskoi Selo, Nicholas
II. had elected to go to Mohilew. My mistress, who had had absolute
confidence in General Roussky, did not trust General Alexieieff, whom
she considered as quite capable of betraying the Czar out of ambition.
Events proved that she had not been wrong in her appreciation as to the
General, and what she did not know, but was to learn much later, was
that he had practically made it impossible for the Emperor to return
to Czarskoi Selo, and almost compelled him to go to Headquarters,
where he intended to keep him until the Provisional Government at
Petrograd had made up its mind whether it ought or ought not to arrest
the former Sovereign. We all of us remained in utter ignorance of what
was happening at the Front, or in Petrograd itself. The Czarina on
the evening of the day following the abdication, when it had become
already known that the Grand Duke Michael had refused to accept the
throne relinquished to him by his brother, and when no one knew what
was going to happen further, the Czarina called me to her room, and
asked me to try to go to Petrograd and find out what people there were
thinking about the whole situation. She gave orders for a carriage to
be put at my disposal, as the railway trains did not run regularly,
but I declined it, thinking that it would only attract attention and
invite the rebels to stop me if any among them met me. I repaired
alone and on foot to the railway station, where I boarded the first
train that was leaving for the capital. No one noticed me, and I made
my way undisturbed to the house of a friend, who, I knew, was likely
to be well informed as to what was going on. Great was my surprise to
find that she did not care at all to receive me, and almost ordered
me out of her apartment, saying that it was as much as her life was
worth to talk with a personal attendant of the Empress. She absolutely
refused to answer any of my questions, and I had perforce to beat a
hasty retreat. Other people whom I sought did exactly the same thing,
and I found all my acquaintances echoing the general opinion which,
I discovered, was prevalent in the capital, that it was the Czarina
who, by her betrayal of Russia to the Germans, had been the cause of a
Revolution which all the sane and reasonable members of society were
deploring. The one subject of lamentation was the want of character,
as they called it, of the Grand Duke Michael, who, according to the
general opinion, ought not to have played into the hands of the
Revolutionaries and refused his brother’s succession. At that time the
idea of a Republic, which now has become a familiar one, had not yet
taken hold of the public mind, and people were only desirous of seeing
established a constitutional monarchy. What made me quite aghast was
to find that the rumour had been spread that this refusal of the Grand
Duke was due to an intrigue of the Empress, who had, so it was related
to me, caused to be conveyed to him a message to the effect that
should he dare to accept the throne she would put herself at the head
of a movement against him. The very thought that my poor mistress could
have done such a thing was ridiculous, but in times of crisis like the
one we were going through, the wildest tales are believed, and in the
case of Alexandra Feodorovna it was but too easy to make Petrograd
accept the idea that she was planning to bring forward the rights of
her son, even against the desire of her husband. As I proceeded along
the Nevsky Prospect I met sandwich men carrying large placards with
seditious inscriptions concerning the Czarina, and on one of them her
immediate imprisonment, trial for high treason and execution were put
forward and claimed. Cries of “Down with Alexandra Feodorovna!” were
heard everywhere, and my heart sank within me at the thought that
perhaps my beloved mistress would fall a victim to the fury of the mob.
The remembrance of the French Revolution and of Marie Antoinette, to
whom the Empress was so fond of comparing herself, came back to me,
and without waiting for further news (which I did not know where to
obtain, because no one in Petrograd seemed to know anything) I made
my way back to Czarskoi Selo, and before presenting myself to the
Czarina, I sought Count Benckendorff, to whom I related my experiences
in the capital. The Count listened to me, and looked very grave when
I mentioned to him the exasperation, for it could hardly be called
otherwise, of the rough elements of the population of Petrograd against
Alexandra Feodorovna. We discussed for a few minutes the possibility of
removing her from the Palace to some other place where she would be in
comparative safety, but gave up the idea as impracticable, because, for
one thing, the Empress would never have consented to abandon her sick
children, and then, there was already such a close watch established
around the Palace of Czarskoi Selo and its inmates, that it would
have been next to impossible for any one to get out without the fact
being at once reported to the Revolutionary Government. Besides, it
was necessary to learn what the Emperor himself meant to do, and what
were his plans for the future. The situation was therefore extremely
serious, but all that one could do in the present circumstances was
to wait. The Count enquired of me the names of the servants among the
personal attendants of the Czarina whom I thought quite trustworthy,
and I mentioned a few. He considered it necessary to establish a kind
of secret guard around her for fear that an assassin might find his way
to her apartments, and indeed for three days and nights he remained
himself outside her door, not caring to trust her safety to any one
else. If ever there was one faithful man in the world it was Count
Benckendorff.

When, after my conversation with him, I entered the presence of my
mistress I found her in a violent state of agitation. The news had
reached her that the Empress Dowager had gone to Mohilev to see her
son, and Alexandra Feodorovna felt persuaded that the journey had been
undertaken for the purpose of persuading Nicholas II. to separate
himself from his wife. It was quite useless to point out to the
distressed Princess that such a thing would not have had any motive at
the present time, when the Czar had resigned the throne. She would not
listen to me, but cried and sobbed, declaring that nothing in the world
would ever part her from her children and that she would rather kill
herself than give them up. She could not understand how it was that
her husband, of whose affection she had felt so sure, had not already
returned to her, especially in view of the fact that all her children
were so dangerously ill. The idea that Nicholas was no longer a free
agent, or able to do what he liked, had not occurred to her, and when
I pointed out to her that such might be the case, she would not listen
to me, exclaiming, “Who could dare to stop him? After all, he is always
the Czar.” The magnitude of the catastrophe which had just taken place
she had not yet appreciated.

But the same night rumours that the Revolutionary Government had
decided to arrest the former Sovereign reached Czarskoi Selo. None
among us would credit them in the beginning, so utterly impossible
did the whole thing seem. But Count Benckendorff, who perhaps had at
his disposal sources of information others did not possess, told us
that unfortunately the news was but too true and that delegates had
been sent to Mohilev with instructions to take captive Nicholas II.
What they meant to do with him he could not tell, and for the matter
of that no one knew. The question arose as to how the Empress was to
be made acquainted with this new misfortune, and it had not yet been
decided by the Count, who wished to wait for an official confirmation
of the rumour, when he was called to the telephone and told that the
new commander of the military district of Petrograd, General Korniloff,
wanted to speak with him.

The General told Count Benckendorff that he had been commissioned by
the new government to deliver a certain message to the Empress, whom he
affected to call Alexandra Feodorovna, and that he wished to see her
immediately about it. To the reply that Her Majesty was sitting beside
the bed of her sick children and could not be disturbed, Korniloff
declared that it was imperative he should execute his commission, and
that unless the Empress complied with his request he should use force
to obtain admittance.

There remained nothing to do but to ask him to wait for a few minutes
until the Czarina had been communicated with. Count Benckendorff
repaired to her apartments, and communicated to her the curt request of
the Commander in Chief. She said at once that she would be ready for
him in half an hour, and declared that she was sure he had some bad
news for her concerning the Emperor.

“Perhaps they have killed him!” she exclaimed, “and then they will
kill me, and what will become of these poor children?”

Korniloff arrived at the Palace accompanied by all of the officers
of his staff. He was escorted also by an infantry battalion, which
he caused to be stationed in the big square in front of the Palace.
Received by Count Benckendorff, he was conducted to the large
drawing-room in which the Empress used to give her audiences in the
days gone by, and in a few minutes the Sovereign entered the apartment,
dressed all in black, with no other ornaments but one row of pearls
round her neck. She bowed stiffly and, having sat down, motioned to
the General to do the same, asking him at the same time to what she
was indebted for the honour of his visit. There was a ring of irony in
her voice which, as I was told afterwards, struck all the listeners
painfully and must have offended the General. He rose and in rude
accents said: “I must request you, Madam, to stand up, and to listen
with attention to the commands I am about to impose upon you.”

Alexandra Feodorovna raised her eyes in mute surprise, but without
protesting rose up from her seat, a thing which, by the way, I never
understood how she could have done. Korniloff then proceeded to read
to her an order signed by all the ministers, which declared that she
was to consider herself under arrest, that she was forbidden to receive
or to send any letters without the permission of the officer in charge
of the Palace of Czarskoi Selo, that she was not to walk out alone in
the park or grounds, and that she was to consider herself obliged to
execute any further orders that might be given to her. He announced
to her at the same time that he was about to change the guard at the
Palace and that she would be strictly watched.

A dead silence reigned in the room after these words of the old
soldier. Count Benckendorff, who was present, felt as if the earth
had opened under his feet, but he deemed it inadvisable to say
anything. The Empress simply bowed her head, then asked Korniloff not
to remove her children’s attendants until they were recovered from
their illness, and especially to allow the sailor who for years had
taken care of little Alexis to remain with him. The General said that
he had no objection to this; then she simply turned her back upon him
and without saying anything further left the room. Korniloff then gave
his instructions to Count Benckendorff, who, when he was left alone
with him, entreated not to be dismissed, declaring that he meant to
share the fate of his masters in any case. The Commander made him
then responsible for all the interior arrangements of the Palace, and
advised him that for the future he should have to apply to the State
Treasury and not to the administration of the former Sovereign’s
private fortune for the money necessary for current expenses, and he
requested him to be as economical as possible in the matter of these
expenses.

The Empress, as if dazed, went to her bedroom. There I was waiting
for her. One look at her face was sufficient to make me realise that
something absolutely dreadful had taken place. Alexandra Feodorovna
threw herself face downwards on a sofa placed at the foot of her bed,
and exclaimed between the most heartrending sobs: “We are lost, we are
lost! What will become now of these unfortunate children; what will
become of them?” And for a long time she sobbed on, and would not be
comforted by anything that I could say.

News of the arrest of the unfortunate Sovereign spread like lightning
through the whole Palace, and, as if she had been stricken with the
plague, nearly all her attendants left her in the space of a few
hours. Out of her six maids, only one remained “true to her salt,” as
they say in the East, and even the women who had waited on the Grand
Duchesses hastened to pack their things and to run away, in spite of
the fact that the young Princesses were known to be desperately ill.
The Princess Dondoukoff was removed by order of Korniloff, and for two
days the sick children were attended only by their mother and myself.
The Empress was experiencing in the most cruel way imaginable the
ingratitude of mankind. If Count Benckendorff had not had his own cook
prepare her meals, she would have been exposed to death from hunger
amidst all the splendours of her magnificent Palace. At last the Count
had to apply to the Revolutionary Government, and servants were sent to
replace those who had abandoned us, and to ensure the regular service
of the prisoners. All through these dreadful days none of us knew what
had happened to the Czar, and this incertitude was, as can easily be
imagined, adding to the misery and anguish of his wife. At last Count
Benckendorff received a wire from Prince Dolgoroukoff (not Dolgorouky,
as the foreign papers have printed; they are two distinct families),
one of the attendants of Nicholas II., that the deposed Sovereign was
being brought back to Czarskoi Selo, where the Revolutionary Government
had decided he was for the present to be interned.

The news was immediately communicated to the Empress and proved a
consolation to her in her sorrows. We all of us, the few who were
left of the splendid retinue of servants of former days, wondered how
our master would look, and braced ourselves for the painful task of
receiving him, a prisoner of state, in the Palace where he had ruled
as an all-powerful autocrat. It was on a dark and dreary March morning
that he returned to us. Strict orders had been given to the soldiers
composing the guard in charge of the Palace gates not to treat him
otherwise than they would a colonel, (he had persisted all through his
reign in wearing a Colonel’s epaulettes), because he was henceforward
to be known as plain Nicholas Alexandrovitsch Romanoff, and though we
had been apprised of the fact, yet we were not prepared for what was
to follow, and we were horrified to see, from the window at which we
watched, the officer on duty give orders to salute Prince Dolgoroukoff,
who sat beside the Emperor in the automobile that brought them home,
with the honours due to his rank as general, whilst the deposed
Sovereign was treated as his inferior. The meaning of the Revolution
had never been made so plain to us as by this significant incident.

At the top of the staircase of the Palace, Count Benckendorff, dressed
in full uniform, was awaiting Nicholas II., whom he received with the
same ceremonial as in the time when he was still on the throne. The
noble-hearted gentleman showed in those days of adversity of what stuff
he was made, and did all that lay within the limits of his power to
atone for the neglect and ingratitude of others.

The Emperor hardly greeted him. He rushed up the stairs, taking two
steps at a time, towards the apartments of the Empress. Alexandra
Feodorovna was standing on the threshold, pale and lovely, with a
hectic bloom on her cheeks which reminded one of the glory of her past
beauty and youth. Neither husband nor wife could speak as they fell
into each other’s arms.




CHAPTER XX

LIFE IN PRISON


It was only on the first day which followed upon the return of Nicholas
II. at Czarskoi Selo that he was allowed to see his wife without
witnesses. The very next morning Korniloff again appeared at the Palace
and delivered the following instructions to the gaolers (one can hardly
call them otherwise) who were to watch over the deposed monarch and his
family:

I. The Emperor was not to be allowed to communicate with his Consort,
except during mealtimes, when of course conversation could touch only
upon indifferent subjects. When he wanted to visit his children, with
whom he was allowed to remain as long as he liked, the Empress was to
leave the room immediately he had entered it.

II. Neither the Sovereign nor his Consort were allowed to walk out
alone and unattended in the park and grounds, but were always to be
escorted by a non-commissioned officer and three soldiers with armed
rifles.

III. When they went to church they were to be brought to the private
chapel of the Palace by the same escort, and not permitted to converse
with each other.

IV. Every time one of their attendants had to see them he or she had
to be thoroughly searched by the officer on duty and a woman specially
appointed for the purpose.

The young Grand Duchesses, when they had recovered, were not put under
the severe control to which their parents were subjected; they could
stay with their parents, and especially with the Emperor, as much and
as long as they liked. Olga made use of this permission more than her
sisters, and she used to spend hours with her father, to whom she was
particularly attached. But at the same time a strict though not so
apparent watch was kept over their actions, and they were not permitted
to leave the Palace grounds for the town of Czarskoi Selo, not even to
visit the numerous hospitals where they had hitherto worked as sisters
of charity.

None of the numerous members of the Imperial family, who were nearly
all in Petrograd, manifested a desire to see the chief of their race;
on the contrary, in many cases they went over to the cause of the
Revolution, as, for instance, the Grand Duke Cyrill, who was the first
to lead the troops of which he had the command to the Duma, to swear
allegiance to the new government. But several members of the former
household of the unfortunate sovereigns came to put themselves at
their disposal, among others old Madame Narischkine, the Mistress of
the Robes of the Empress, who, though she had never been liked by the
latter, remained faithful to her to the end, and even petitioned to be
allowed to go to Siberia with her, a request which was refused her by
the government.

The Czar accepted all these irksome regulations with complete
indifference. He used to take long walks with Count Benckendorff and
Prince Dolgoroukoff, with whom he chatted the whole of the time with
the most complete unconcern. He did not seem to mind in the very least
the presence of the men deputed to escort him during these walks, but
on the contrary made it a point to thank them when they had brought
him home, and to exchange a few words with them. He used to read the
papers very regularly, and seemed always anxious to learn what was
going on at the Front. The Empress, on the contrary, refused absolutely
to submit to the irritating restrictions imposed upon her, and during
the whole time that she was kept at Czarskoi Selo never once went out
of the Palace, not caring to take her walks under the watchful eyes
of an escort. She treated everybody with complete disdain. When the
Czar entered the room where she generally sat with her children, she
made him a deep and respectful curtsey, and immediately quitted the
apartment, before the officer on duty had an opportunity to request
her to do so. She had never got over the fact of Korniloff having
ordered her to stand up whilst he had read to her the orders of the
new government, and more than once in her conversations with me had
referred to this cruel humiliation, repeating, “Can you imagine! He
made me stand up, me, the Empress of Russia,” and she did not care to
incur a similar humiliation a second time. Though she was repeatedly
told that her health required her to be in the open air, especially
when spring arrived, she would not listen to any remonstrances on the
subject, but kept strictly indoors, snatching only breaths of fresh
air from her window which she used to keep wide open, and beside which
she sat working at garments and bandages for soldiers, which she asked
me to forward to the Red Cross. She never opened a book or glanced at a
paper, and except needlework her only occupations consisted in going to
church and giving lessons to her youngest children. She refused every
kind of sympathy and remained silent and forlorn in her misery until
the day when she was told that she was about to exchange her present
prison for another, far worse in every respect.

A few days after the one which had seen her confined in captivity a
commission sent by the Government had arrived at Czarskoi Selo to ask
the Empress to deliver to its keeping the crown jewels, as well as
her private ones. She had consented to receive the members of this
commission and told them that so far as the crown jewels were concerned
they had never been in her charge and could be found in the Winter
Palace; but her own diamonds and pearls belonged to her personally and
she was not going to give them up unless compelled by force to do so,
when she would solemnly protest against an act which she considered in
the light of a robbery pure and simple. Her attitude was so firm that
the commissioners withdrew without having achieved their mission, and
afterwards Kerensky, to whom the matter was referred, gave up the point
and allowed my mistress to retain possession of the ornaments she had
clung to with such determination and energy.

But the silver which adorned the Imperial dining table was all seized
by the Government, under the pretext that it was State property, until
eventually Nicholas II. found himself without one fork or knife with
which to eat. At last Count Benckendorff made an arrangement wherewith
part of this confiscated silver was bought back by him and the money
handed over to the treasury. But as the private fortune of the Czar had
been confiscated, it was the young Grand Duchesses, Olga and Tatiana,
who out of their own funds redeemed these things.

In general it became extremely difficult to meet the expenses of the
Imperial household, because the government refused to supply the means
to do so, and the treasury grumbled at every request made by Count
Benckendorff for funds. Every day saw something disappear of the
former luxury which had presided at the daily existence of the Czar
and of his family, until at last life at Czarskoi Selo became almost
ascetic in its simplicity. Meals consisted only of three courses, and
the favourite, Zakuska, or relishes with which every Russian dinner or
lunch begins, were suppressed. Wine disappeared altogether from the
table, and several automobiles were sold, whilst the chauffeurs were
dismissed. I even had to beg the Empress not to use as much linen as
she had been in the habit of doing formerly, because we lacked the
means to wash it, and these were but small miseries among the more
important ones which assailed us.

Among the many annoyances and indignities put upon the Emperor and
Empress was the order given by the Revolutionary Government not to
address them any more as Your Majesty, but to call them Colonel
and Mrs. Romanoff. The Czar took it good-humouredly, or, rather,
contemptuously, but the Empress was extremely affected by this
insolence. “We have been crowned in Moscow,” she used to say, “and
nothing can change this now. The Czar is always the Czar. No one
can rob him of this dignity, even if he has renounced it of his own
accord.”

Of course when we were alone with her we addressed her in the old
style. Beginning with Count Benckendorff, and ending with the last
of the few servants who had voluntarily elected to remain in the
service of the former sovereigns, we were very careful not to make
them feel more than could be helped the change that had taken place in
their destinies. But when one of the officers on guard was present it
was more difficult, because he used to reprove us quite aloud if we
ventured to speak with our master and mistress in the old respectful
way to which we had been used. The government was so particular in the
matter of the title allowed to Nicholas II., that all the newspapers
which were addressed to him bore the superscription of “Colonel
Nicholas Alexandrovitsch Romanoff.” And on the letters which the
Empress received, the appellation of “Her Majesty the Empress” was
scratched out, and replaced by “Alexandra Feodorovna Romanoff.” It was
the repetition of what had taken place with Louis XVI. when he was
designated by the name of Capet by his gaolers, and, strange as it may
appear, it was among all her misfortunes the one which, outwardly at
least, seemed most to affect the unhappy Empress.

Of course correspondence was a forbidden thing for all of us. Letters
were strictly censored and even the smallest parcel brought to the
Palace was examined two or three times before being handed over to the
person to whom it belonged. Books were equally the object of suspicion,
and at last the Empress and Emperor gave orders that new ones were no
longer to be forwarded to them, as had been done previously.

Of course all these vexatious measures depended a good deal on the
personality of the officer in charge of the interior arrangements and
guard of the Palace. If he were a humane man things would not be so
bad, but if he happened to belong to the ranks of the rabid republicans
or anarchists there was not an obstacle that he did not put in our way
or an unpleasantness that he spared us. I remember one of the latter
who, one morning when I was expecting a parcel containing a new blouse
from the Empress’s dressmaker, absolutely refused to let it pass until
I had unpicked the lining to prove to him that no letter or message
had been concealed between it and the stuff itself. It was the young
Grand Duchesses who were most to be pitied among the prisoners of
Czarskoi Selo. The girls were the sweetest things imaginable, and their
beautiful characters came out in a splendid light during that trying
time when, at an age where girls generally know only the sunny side
of life, they had to become acquainted and to be actors in one of the
greatest tragedies history has ever had to chronicle. And yet they
realised perhaps even better than did their father and mother, the
full extent of the drama which was being played around them. Olga, in
particular, seemed to have a forewarning that it was only beginning and
that it might end in blood just as it had begun in tears. She was a
clever, thoughtful woman, with a considerable amount of common sense,
and sometimes she used to confide to me her apprehensions in regard
to the future. “If the Germans get near to Petrograd, or if a new
revolution breaks out there,” she often said, “we shall be its first
victims, and either the mob or the Government will put us to death.”

Tatiana was not so resigned as her sister. She revolted against the
terrible injustice of which she was the victim, and she could not
understand how after all the care she had taken of wounded soldiers
and miserable refugees whom her committee had helped, her good
intentions had been misunderstood, and how she could have been put
aside at a moment’s notice and deprived of the possibility of going on
further with the work to which she had given all her energy, and with
which she had been so successful. She had an impetuous nature, more
like her mother’s than like the placid temperament of her father, and
she would have liked to be able to express aloud the contempt which she
felt for all those whose victim and prisoner she was. The two youngest
daughters of the Czar and Czarina were still too much in the schoolroom
to be able to do aught else but be astonished at the change which had
taken place in their existence. They looked at all that was occurring
with big, surprised eyes, and were more ready to weep than to attempt
to fight against a fate which had proved too strong for them. They
clung to their mother more than did Olga or Tatiana, and hardly left
her protection. The Empress, who had never been a fond mother in the
sense of caresses, had changed in that respect since the misfortunes
that had fallen upon her, and she now hugged her girls and drew them
to her breast with a passionate earnestness which made the children
exclaim that now they were happier than they had ever been before,
because their mother embraced them just as much as if they had been
poor little waifs, with a mamma ignorant of what etiquette meant. The
remark had something touching about it, and I think that the Empress
realised this as well as did others, because she showed herself more
affectionate towards her daughters than she had been used to do, and
was no longer absorbed by her exclusive tenderness for her son. She
seemed indeed to have lost her interest in the latter since the day
she had realised that he was no longer the heir to one of the greatest
thrones in the world.

The child himself understood it, and he was perhaps the one who
suffered most from the consequences of the change which had transformed
him into an ordinary little boy, after he had been the most important
personage in his family. He fretted over this change, and I fancy that
at times he felt resentful against his father and mother for having so
easily acquiesced in their own degradation. He would have liked to see
his father make a stand against the Revolution, and at least refuse
to surrender the rights of his son and heir. One day he betrayed
something of his feelings when he told Count Benckendorff that if he
had not been ill but with the Czar at Headquarters, as he generally
was, he would never have allowed him to abdicate. The Count did not
reply, but I imagine that he regretted such had not been the case.
Indeed to this day it is incomprehensible to me how Nicholas II. could
have been induced to sacrifice the rights of his son, and not to have
insisted on the latter being proclaimed Emperor in his stead.

In the meantime the days dragged on, and we were all wondering whither
all this was to lead. The feeling that a change of some kind was bound
to take place floated in the air, but no one could guess of what nature
this change was to be. At times the fear would seize us that the
Government would remove the Czar and his Consort to the fortress, which
would have meant that they would be tried, and perhaps condemned to
terrible penalties for their imaginary crimes, but hard as we all tried
to penetrate the secret of the future, we did not succeed in doing so,
and when this future was revealed to us, it surpassed in horror all
that we had ever imagined or dreaded.




CHAPTER XXI

EXILE—I AM DISMISSED


Towards the middle of the summer vague rumours reached us that in
consequence of the agitation which was already shaking the country to
a considerable degree, the Government had decided to remove Nicholas
II. to another and safer residence than Czarskoi Selo. It was feared
that if an insurrectionary movement took place at Petrograd, the mob
might proceed to the Imperial Borough and murder the former Czar. At
least this was the pretext put forward by the ministers, to explain the
reasons which had induced them to put out of the way the unfortunate
Emperor and his family. Of course no one believed them, because it
would have been relatively easy to have controlled the populace in case
it had tried to attack the Palace where the prisoners were confined.
And if this had been thought impossible, surely there were other places
than Siberia where they could have been sent.

I am not here, however, to blame or to excuse anybody. I wish merely to
relate facts such as I have known them, and nothing else. So I shall
proceed with my story, which is now drawing to an end.

It was in the course of a July afternoon that we were summoned before
the military commander of Czarskoi Selo. By we I mean the household, or
what was left of it, of the deposed sovereigns. We were informed that
the latter were about to leave their present residence and that only a
few persons would be allowed to accompany them. I was told that I would
not be permitted to do so, as my presence was not considered necessary
to the Empress, who, it was ironically remarked, would not require any
longer two maids, especially one who like myself had purely academic
functions. I pleaded hard to be exempted from this ordeal of being
removed with others from the service of the gracious lady at whose side
and in whose service I had remained twenty-five years, but my request
and protestations were not taken into account. I was told to prepare
myself to leave the Palace at a moment’s notice and to have both my own
things and those belonging to the Empress packed and ready to be taken
away.

Count Benckendorff and Prince Dolgoroukoff, who declared that nothing
but sheer force would part them from their former Sovereign, and
two ladies in waiting on the Empress, the Princess Obolensky, and
Mademoiselle von Butzov, who was specially attached to the service of
the young Grand Duchesses, were allowed to travel with the prisoners,
as well as some servants who had found favour in the eyes of the
Government probably because they had consented to take upon themselves
the duty of spying upon their master and mistress. But the suite was to
be very limited, and to the last minute we were left in ignorance as to
the real destination of Nicholas II. Count Benckendorff was the only
exception to this measure and he was sworn to secrecy.

When I returned to the Palace, I could not help seeking the Empress
and relating to her all that I had heard. She raised her hands to
Heaven with the exclamation, “They will put us in the fortress, and
then murder us like they did Louis XVI.” But she showed no fear, and
remained as calm and composed as ever, not caring to let her children
be troubled sooner than was necessary with the news of what was
awaiting them in the near future.

Three days later an officer sent by the government asked to see the
young Grand Duchesses. He communicated to them the news that their
parents were to be transported to Tobolsk in Siberia and that they were
left entirely free to accompany them there or to remain at Czarskoi
Selo, in which case they would be permitted to remain in the Palace
and to occupy their present apartments. The girls did not hesitate
one single moment and replied that they would not think of abandoning
their father and mother, but would go with them wherever it pleased
the government to send them. It is a curious thing that no one thought
for one moment of suggesting that the little Alexis should be left in
Europe, and the delicate child was not given a thought, but on the
contrary despatched with alacrity to an exile which might easily kill
him, as he was hardly strong enough to be able to withstand the rigour
of the terrible climate to which he was being consigned. It was only
after the Grand Duchesses had been called upon to make their decision
that the Czar and his Consort were officially informed that they were
about to be removed to Tobolsk. The place is about one of the worst in
the whole of Siberia, both as regards temperature and resources. Half
village and half town, its population consists of political exiles and
prisoners, and of Yakoutes, a savage, nomad folk, that spends its time
in the unexplored forests which surround the town, whence they emerge
from time to time to sell the furs which they have gathered together in
the winter. The thermometer falls below freezing point for months at a
stretch, and altogether it is one of the dreariest spots in the whole
world. It is to this living death and to this awful solitude that were
to be consigned the man and the woman whom the world had known as the
Emperor and Empress of All the Russias, together with their innocent
children. The Tour du Temple, where Louis XVI. was confined, was not
half so awful as this.

And yet the Empress accepted the news if not with resignation at least
with composure. To tell the truth she was weary of Czarskoi Selo,
where everything reminded her of former and happier times, and perhaps
she was not sorry to have at last a complete change of surroundings.
She declared herself ready to start as soon as ordered to do so and
busied herself with the preparations for her approaching departure
just as if it had been a holiday excursion. The only thing which she
asked for was to see her sister, the Grand Duchess Elizabeth, but
though the latter was informed that she could if she wished proceed
to Czarskoi Selo, she refused to do so, and contented herself with
writing a very short and formal note to the Empress, who felt this want
of heart far more than she admitted. These were indeed sad days that
preceded the sad departure. None among us had the faintest hope of ever
again seeing the kind masters we were parting from, and the prisoners
themselves thought that they would never come back to this Russia that
was behaving so harshly towards them. On the last evening the Emperor
called us to his presence and thanked us for our faithful services. He
was pale but otherwise unmoved. The whole thing seemed, to judge from
his appearance, to constitute an episode that did not concern him.
The Empress was agitated, but also resigned, and she tried to put on
a gaiety which she did not feel. She had since the Revolution always
worn black dresses, but on that evening she ordered me to prepare her
for the morrow a dark blue costume. She did not wish strangers to think
that she wore mourning for her misfortunes. No one slept that night
in the Palace, and when the hour for departure sounded there was not
one dry eye amongst us. I obtained permission to accompany my mistress
to the railway station and part of the way. My heart was bursting with
despair.

They started—that unfortunate family—with an air of cheerful courage,
on this momentous and awful journey. Without a sigh the Czarina bade
good-bye to that Palace which had seen her greatness and her downfall.
Probably she had, as Queen Elizabeth of Austria had once said, “died
inwardly” long before that day, and nothing more could hurt her now.
Without a tear she entered the train, such a shabby one when compared
with the sumptuous cars in which she had been used to travel, and she
did not even turn her head to look back on the theatre of her former
splendour and misery. The whistle sounded, the engine began to move,
and with it disappeared into space the haughty autocracy which had
ruled over Russia—Holy Russia—since Peter the Great had organised it
as an Empire, and which though no longer great, yet had remained an
immense thing until the Revolution, with the mistakes and faults of its
representatives, had finally destroyed it....

I have nothing more to say. This is not a political work and I have
purposely avoided any mention of my personal opinions in regard to
the catastrophe which has sent my former masters into that Siberia
which has witnessed already so many tragedies. Personally they have
always been kind to me. I would be an ungrateful person if I did not
acknowledge it, and if I forgot to shed tears over their fate.


Transcriber’s Notes

  Page 38 — o’colck changed to o’clock.
  Page 181 — conspicious changed to conspicuous
  Page 222 — communciation changed to communication.
  Have left the spellings of Mohilev and Mohilew as printed.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY EMPRESS; TWENTY-THREE YEARS OF
INTIMATE LIFE WITH THE EMPRESS OF ALL THE RUSSIAS FROM HER MARRIAGE TO THE
DAY OF HER EXILE ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the
United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
1.E.8.

1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

  This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
  most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
  restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
  under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
  eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
  United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
  you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
provided that:

* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
  the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
  you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
  to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
  agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
  within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
  legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
  payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
  Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
  Literary Archive Foundation."

* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
  you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
  does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
  License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
  copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
  all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
  works.

* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
  any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
  electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
  receipt of the work.

* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
  distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.